Jamaica Gleaner

A WORLD OF DEBT

-

RECENT HEADLINES seem to augur a global debt crisis. The United States is teetering on the precipice of a self-inflicted default. Egypt, Ghana, Pakistan, and many other countries are in grave financial difficulti­es.

Italy and Japan’s debt burdens have grown heavier. And the Chinese are delaying or hampering multilater­al efforts to restructur­e low- and middle-income countries’ debt.

The Internatio­nal Monetary Fund counts 41 countries as being heavily indebted, and that does not include middle-income countries such as Argentina, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka.

The concerns these stories have fuelled are real, but there are fundamenta­l difference­s between them. The US has the capacity to service its debts, and it has been a reliable borrower for many years. Its problem is political.

By contrast, the question for poorer countries is whether, or how much, they can repay. Many heavily indebted low-income countries have debt levels that are already unsustaina­ble or will be soon. Some have missed payments or announced that they will have to suspend debt service. Private lenders have responded by refusing to lend more.

But this cohort of indebted countries can be broken down further into two groups. Some countries were in relatively satisfacto­ry positions until COVID-19 forced them to borrow more to finance pandemic-related expenditur­es. Internatio­nal financial institutio­ns have created special facilities to help these countries secure rapid additional financing and to sustain normal financing as their economies recover.

The other group already had high and rising debts before COVID-19, often because they had splurged on projects with low or negative rates of return. Sri Lanka is a case in point. A new government took office in 2019 and cut taxes dramatical­ly, increasing already large fiscal deficits and borrowing even more.

While ill-advised domestic policies – notably a prohibitio­n on imported agricultur­al inputs – sharply reduced the country’s agricultur­al production, the government spent down its foreign-exchange reserves and then borrowed at higher interest rates, especially from China, until it could borrow no more.

Because many heavily indebted countries rely on imports for essential food, medicines, and intermedia­te goods, an inability to finance imports during a crisis can result in factory closures and a sharp decline in economic activity – as happened in Sri Lanka. Until the afflicted country acquires the foreign exchange needed to finance renewed import flows, essentials will remain scarce.

In these cases, the IMF works with the government to formulate policies to enable the country to restore growth and creditwort­hiness. If the IMF did not insist on such reforms, it would merely be increasing the country’s indebtedne­ss and postponing an inevitable reckoning. Hence, to ensure that the country follows through, the IMF generally disburses funds in tranches as reforms are carried out, with the initial disburseme­nt enabling a resumption of import flows and debt servicing.

THE IMPACT

Recognisin­g the impact of such crises on the poor, some observers have called for debt reduction and new funds to be offered without any condition that the country correct the policy failures that led to extreme indebtedne­ss. But in assuming that new lending will help the poor, they fail to see that this is often a case of ‘throwing good money after bad’. In many cases, one reason why the country is poor is that its previously accumulate­d debt went towards low-productivi­ty investment­s.

Despite the long process that the IMF undertakes before agreeing to a programme, additional complicati­ons may emerge after it is establishe­d. When the IMF deems a country’s debt burden too heavy for it to sustain its debt-servicing requiremen­ts, restructur­ing of sovereign debt must be part of the agreed IMF programme and negotiated with private and public creditors. Sometimes, reforms and IMF money can help a country achieve growth and finance its debt service. But in other cases, the debt has become so large that it is unreasonab­le to expect the country to resume servicing it fully. To address this issue, officials from the creditor countries’ government­s will meet and agree on debtrestru­cturing terms, which might include a reduction in the face value of the debt, a rescheduli­ng of principal repayments, or even a grace period. Traditiona­lly, private

creditors will also participat­e in these talks and agree to a haircut on outstandin­g debt.

But China’s rise as emerging and developing economies’ largest bilateral creditor has frustrated matters. The Chinese have been reluctant to restructur­e debts and have insisted on lending to debtor countries whatever they need to cover their obligation­s. If the IMF disbursed funds under those conditions, some portion of them would simply go to repay China, which would then be treated more favourably than other creditors.

IMF programmes, therefore, cannot be implemente­d until all creditors have reached an agreement on restructur­ing. Sri Lanka could not receive funds from the IMF for months because the Chinese refused to take a haircut on loans they had made. Instead, they wanted to lend even more money to Sri Lanka so that it could service its debt and increase its overall debt to China. Likewise, Zambia’s restructur­ing has been delayed since November 2020.

True, China finally has made some arrangemen­ts with several countries that would enable the IMF to disburse funds. But many other indebted countries still need to undertake policy reforms in accordance with an agreed IMF programme, which means that more delays can be expected. One hopes that China will see that it is in its own interest to devise a smoother, faster process for policy reforms and debt restructur­ing.

Anne O. Krueger, a former World Bank chief economist and former first deputy managing director of the Internatio­nal Monetary Fund, is senior research professor of internatio­nal economics at the Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced Internatio­nal Studies and senior fellow at the Center for Internatio­nal Developmen­t at Stanford University.

© Project Syndicate 2023 www.project-syndicate.org

 ?? ??
 ?? ?? Anne Krueger GUEST COLUMNIST
Anne Krueger GUEST COLUMNIST

Newspapers in English

Newspapers from Jamaica