The urgency of Haiti

THERE IS plenty that will occupy Caribbean Community (CARICOM) leaders during their summit in Guyana, which formally began yesterday.

But no matter whatever else is on their agenda, the heads of government must pay significant attention to Haiti’s worsening social and political crisis, including making clear to the country’s political factions the urgency of arriving at a consensus on democratic governance as an important platform from which external partners can help turn around the security problems confronting Haitians.

And if necessary, the CARICOM heads of government should press their Haitian counterpart, Prime Minister Ariel Henry, to make a new public declaration committing to power-sharing as part of a transitional arrangement leading to legislative and presidential elections. Further, Haitians should be clear on how, and by whom, the transition will be guaranteed, so that the process is not stacked against, or is capable of being hijacked by, any faction.

The deep distrust of all political factions by Haitians makes confidence-building efforts crucial. In this regard, while it cannot happen in public, the negotiations for the transitional process should not be entirely secret, with the Haitian people merely presented with a fait accompli. That approach deepens the distrust and facilitates the disrupters.

The CARICOM Eminent Persons Group of former prime ministers – Kenny Anthony (St Lucia); Bruce Golding (Jamaica); Perry Christie (The Bahamas) – who are facilitating talks between the Haitian factions, should probably consider tweaking their approach to their assignment, especially how they report on the negotiations at critical intervals. They might talk more directly to the Haitian people.

Additionally, while this newspaper appreciates the limited manpower and economic capacity of regional countries, CARICOM members should say how, or if, they will individually contribute to the proposed Kenya-led multinational security force for Haiti.

POLITICAL INSTABILITY

Haiti was plunged deeper into political instability two and half years ago with the assassination of President Jovenel Moïse, apparently at the instigation of internal and external political factions. Mr Henry was installed as the country’s interim leader, without a legislature, the terms of most of whose members expired while President Moïse was still alive.

Since the president’s death, Haiti has been wracked by gang violence that cost nearly 5,000 lives in 2023. This year, thus far, more than 1,000 people have been murdered, injured, kidnapped and raped across Haiti. Most of the capital, Port-au-Prince, is dominated by gangs, whose influence has reached to other parts of the country.

The Haitian National Police is considered to have neither the manpower, equipment nor legitimacy to contain the gangs, especially in a volatile political environment where influential groups have called for the resignation of Prime Minister Henry. This febrile situation was recently exacerbated by the action of an investigative judge that appeared to implicate Mr Moïse’s widow, who was seriously injured during the assassination, in her husband’s murder. Ms Moïse’s lawyers have rejected that suggestion.

Kenya has said that it would provide 1,000 police and lead a UN-sanctioned multinational mission willing to stabilise Haiti. However, a court in the East African country ruled the decision of President William Ruto unconstitutional. Apparently, the court held that Kenya could only send its police to countries with which it has reciprocal policing agreements. Mr Ruto has said the decision will be appealed.

But a larger question is which other countries will contribute to the force and how it will be paid for. In this region, Jamaica, The Bahamas, and Antigua and Barbuda have pledged to send security personnel. Jamaica has also undertaken to provide cash and kind. So far, however, the only significant financing pledge is from the United States, which promised US$200 million to the mission, but has made no offer of security forces. Canada, France and Benin, too, have pledged to make financial contributions, but have not said how much.

On the face of it, rich Western countries have little appetite for involvement in Haiti, and other nations are apparently observing the legal developments in Kenya before making firm commitments. Additionally, most countries do not want to be caught in a Haitian internal power struggle, appearing to support one faction over another. Which is how some groups interpret the proposed mission – as propping up Mr Henry.

That, therefore, makes the consensus on a transitional arrangement urgent.

In December, the CARICOM Eminent Persons Group said the stakeholders had reached consensus “on several aspects of a draft framework agreement”, but were in talks among themselves on “key areas of balance of power and representation in the transitional arrangement”. Which, of course, is the nub of the issue.