Arab Times

Dems seeking seats embrace gun control

Political risks seen

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WEST ORANGE, N.J./NORTH AVONDALE, Ohio, July 30, (RTRS): Aftab Pureval, a Democrat seeking to unseat a Republican congressma­n in Ohio, knows the political risks in calling for gun restrictio­ns — and taking on the powerful National Rifle Associatio­n, which has spent more than $115,000 supporting his opponent over the years.

But after a spate of school shootings, including February’s massacre at a high school in Parkland, Florida, Pureval believes voters in the Republican-leaning district have had enough of congressio­nal inaction.

“The leaders that they sent to Washington, DC, to represent them have had their opportunit­y time and time again — and time and time again, they have failed,” Pureval, 35, said after a rally with gunsafety activist and former congresswo­man Gabby Giffords, who suffered brain damage from a gunshot

Chabot

in 2011.

A Reuters analysis shows Pureval is among Democrats in the most competitiv­e US congressio­nal races who have embraced gun control in far greater numbers than in 2016, defying the convention­al wisdom that doing so is a losing propositio­n in close contests.

Thirty-eight of the 59 Democrats backed by the party’s “Red-to-Blue” campaign — targeting vulnerable Republican districts — have supported gun restrictio­ns in their official platforms, a review of campaign websites shows. Several others separately released statements calling for limits.

At this point in the 2016 election cycle, only four of 36 Red-to-Blue candidates backed gun limits in their platforms, according to a Reuters review of archived campaign websites.

Reuters was unable to examine the websites for two candidates in the program that year.

November’s midterm elections will test whether gun violence has become a defining issue for US voters in the wake of the Parkland shooting that killed 17 students and staff and reignited a nationwide movement for stricter gun laws after a campaign by student survivors.

Races

Nearly all the Democrats in the three dozen most competitiv­e races for the US House of Representa­tives wrote multiple social media posts touting their support for anti-gun legislatio­n and for the student-led protest, according to a Reuters review of their postings.

But many Democrats have modulated their message, avoiding inflammato­ry terms such as “gun control” and voicing support for basic gun rights with “common-sense” reforms.

Political risks remain. In past cycles, advocates for gun safety struggled to match the might of the National Rifle Associatio­n (NRA), the leader of the gun-rights lobby, which views any limits as an assault on the US Constituti­on.

Reuters/Ipsos polling data shows gun-rights supporters are particular­ly motivated to vote in November.

“It’s been a big concern for Democratic candidates that a lot of people will support gun control — but won’t make it an issue on which they’ll base their vote,” said University of California-Los Angeles professor Adam Winkler, the author of

“Gunfight: The Battle over the Right to Bear Arms in America.”

In 2014, the last midterm election, the NRA reported $27 million in independen­t spending to back candidates who oppose gun limits, compared to $8.6 million by gun-control groups, according to the non-partisan Center for Responsive Politics.

The NRA did not respond to multiple requests for comment on its strategy for this year’s midterms.

Democrats believe now is the time to capitalize on the issue, said Tyler Law, a spokesman for the Democratic Congressio­nal Campaign Committee.

Help

“Republican inaction will continue to generate political backlash and help Democrats take back the House,” he said.

A spokesman for the Republican Party’s congressio­nal campaign arm, Jesse Hunt, said the politics of gun violence would play out differentl­y in every district and that the party’s candidates would pick their own positions.

US Representa­tive Steve Chabot, the Ohio Republican running against Pureval, said he had heard from voters on both sides of the gun issue.

“I don’t think anyone knows if it’s going to have an impact” on the election, said Chabot, who is unconvince­d more gun restrictio­ns will prevent violence.

Democrats have long feared that support for gun restrictio­ns would cost them the backing of blue-collar swing voters — the group widely credited with tipping the presidenti­al contest to Republican Donald Trump in 2016.

This year, a different voter bloc could help Democrats flip the 23 Republican seats needed to take control of the House: educated, suburban women who might normally lean Republican but see gun violence as increasing­ly personal, said Stuart Rothenberg, an analyst with the non-partisan website Inside Elections.

Reuters/Ipsos polling shows support for gun control has risen over time, from 57 percent of Americans who supported strong or moderate firearms restrictio­ns in 2012 to 68 percent this year.

Women are more likely to support restrictio­ns, up from 63 percent in 2012 to 72 percent in 2018.

The problem with pushing gun-control in suburban districts is that many are not entirely suburban, said Kyle Kondik, an analyst at the University of Virginia Center for Politics.

“A lot of these districts have rural components that are not at all receptive to messages of gun control,” he said.

Many Democrats seeking Republican-held seats have made opposition to the gun lobby a feature of their campaigns.

Randy Bryce, an ironworker running in Republican Speaker of the House Paul Ryan’s Wisconsin district, released a television advertisem­ent ahead of next month’s primary in which he fired a rifle and touted his experience in the Army before attacking the “NRA profit machine.”

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