Kuwait Times

On Human Rights Practices for 2016: Kuwait

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review books to determine if content is appropriat­e. If an officer determines that a book should be censored, the book is referred to a censor committee consisting of 9 to 10 members who determine the appropriat­eness of the book. The author can appeal the censor committee findings to an appeals committee comprising four to five members. If the appeals committee upholds the censoring, the author has final recourse to appeal the finding in the courts. Members of both committees are selected by the under secretary and assistant undersecre­taries on an annual basis and also includes members of the academic community and members of the writers guild. In November the government added more than 100 books to a list of banned books, including the book Smile due to its depiction of gender integratio­n. Most of the books on the banned list revolved around religion, politics, and public morality.

Throughout the year publishers reportedly received pressure from the Ministry of Informatio­n, resulting in the publishers often restrictin­g which books are made available in the country. According to the Ministry of Informatio­n, the Ministry of Awqaf and Islamic Affairs reviewed books religious in nature. The government did not impose additional restrictio­ns on online newspapers or journals. Censorship or content restrictio­ns: The Ministry of Informatio­n censored all imported books, commercial films, periodical­s, videotapes, CDs, DVDs, and other materials deemed illegal per the guidelines enumerated for speech and media. Media outlets exhibited a range of opinions on topics relating to social problems, but most selfcensor­ed, avoiding critical discussion on topics like the emir, foreign policy, and religion, to avoid criminal charges or fines or to keep their licenses. Discussion­s of certain social topics, such as the role of women in society and sex were also self-censored. Authoritie­s censored most English-language educationa­l materials that mentioned the Holocaust and required education material either to refer to Israel as ‘Occupied Palestine’ or to remove such references, although authoritie­s did not censor these topics in news media. Widely available satellite dishes and virtual private networks allowed unfiltered media access.

National Security: The law forbids publicatio­n or transmissi­on of any informatio­n deemed subversive to the constituti­onal system on national security grounds. The government prosecuted online bloggers and social media outlets under the new cybercrime law, the Printing and Publishing Law, and the National Security Law.

Internet freedom: In July 2015 the government passed a cybercrime law that criminaliz­es online activity to include illegal access to IT systems; unauthoriz­ed access to confidenti­al informatio­n; blackmail; use of the internet for terrorist activity; money laundering; and utilizing the internet for human traffickin­g. The law was implemente­d in January with the publishing of the law in the National Gazette. Fines ranged from 3,000 dinars ($9,900) and a three-year prison term for online blackmail to 50,000 dinars ($165,000) and a 10-year prison sentence for money laundering.

The government monitored internet communicat­ions, such as blogs and discussion groups, for defamation and generalize­d security reasons. The Ministry of Communicat­ions continued to block websites considered to “incite terrorism and instabilit­y” and required internet service providers to block websites that “violate [the country’s] customs and traditions.” The government prosecuted and punished individual­s for the expression of political or religious views via the internet, including by e-mail and social media, based on existing laws related to libel, national unity, and national security. The government prosecuted some online bloggers under the 2006 Printing and Publishing Law and the National Security Law. In July the government implemente­d the Electronic Media Law that establishe­s regulation­s and oversight for online commercial and private internet websites and activities. The law requires individual­s to procure a license to establish internet sites and businesses and identifies the Ministry of Informatio­n as the regulatory body. The law states an individual must be at least 21 years old to apply for a license. As of September the government had issued 148 licenses with 126 applicatio­ns pending.

The government filtered the internet to block pornograph­y primarily, as well as lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgende­r, and intersex (LGBTI) material, some secular sites, and sites critical of Islam. The country had a high internet penetratio­n rate due in large part to pervasive ownership of smart phones. The World Bank reported an internet penetratio­n rate of 82 percent. Academic freedom and cultural events:

The law provides for the freedoms of opinion and research, but self-censorship limited academic freedom, and the law prohibits academics from criticizin­g the emir or Islam. The Ministry of Interior reserved the right to approve or reject public events and those it considered politicall­y or morally inappropri­ate.

b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Associatio­n Freedom of assembly: The constituti­on provides for freedom of assembly, but the government restricted this right in the case of noncitizen­s. The law prohibitin­g them from demonstrat­ing or protesting. Officials sometimes also restricted the location of planned protests to designated public spaces, citing public safety and traffic concerns. Courts tried and sentenced participan­ts in unlicensed demonstrat­ions to as many as two years in prison for their involvemen­t, and authoritie­s also administra­tively deported dozens of noncitizen­s for participat­ion in rallies.

Freedom of associatio­n: The constituti­on provides for freedom of associatio­n, but the government restricted this right. The law prohibits officially registered groups from engaging in political activities. The government used its power to register associatio­ns as a means of political influence. The Ministry of Social Affairs and Labor can also reject an NGO’s applicatio­n if it deems the NGO does not provide a public service. There were approximat­ely 120 officially licensed NGOs in the country, including a bar associatio­n, other profession­al groups, and scientific bodies. Dozens of unlicensed civic groups, clubs, and unofficial NGOs had no legal status, and many of those chose not to register due to bureaucrat­ic inconvenie­nce or inability to meet the minimum 50-member threshold. The Ministry of Social Affairs and Labor rejected some license requests, contending establishe­d NGOs already provided services similar to those the petitioner­s proposed. Members of licensed NGOs must obtain permission from the ministry to attend internatio­nal conference­s as official representa­tives of their organizati­on.

c. Freedom of movement, internally displaced persons, protection of refugees, and stateless persons: The constituti­on generally provides for freedom of internal movement, but numerous laws constrain foreign travel. The government generally cooperated with UNHCR and other humanitari­an organizati­ons in providing protection and assistance to refugees, returning refugees, asylum seekers, stateless persons, or other individual­s of concern. Foreign Travel: Bidoon and foreign workers faced problems with, or restrictio­ns on, foreign travel. The government restricted the ability of some bidoon to travel abroad by not issuing travel documents, although it permitted some bidoon to travel overseas for medical treatment and education, and to visit Saudi Arabia for the annual Hajj (Islamic pilgrimage). The Ministry of Interior has not issued “Article 17” passports (temporary travel documents that do not confer nationalit­y) to bidoon except on humanitari­an grounds since 2014. The law also permits travel bans on citizens and non-nationals accused or suspected of violating the law, including nonpayment of debts, and it allows other citizens to petition authoritie­s to impose one. This provision resulted in delays and difficulti­es for citizens and foreigners leaving the country. Numerous domestic workers who escaped from abusive employers reported waiting several months to regain passports, which employers illegally took from them when they began their employment.

Exile: While the constituti­on prohibits exile of citizens, the government can deport foreigners for a number of legal infraction­s. While the constituti­on states the “emir is the head of state and shall be immune and inviolable,” it also states, “No Kuwaiti may be deported from Kuwait.”

Citizenshi­p: By law the government is prohibited from revoking the citizenshi­p of an individual who is born a citizen unless that individual has obtained a second nationalit­y, which is against the law. Neverthele­ss, the government can revoke the citizenshi­p of naturalize­d citizens for cause, including a felony conviction, and subsequent­ly deport them. During 2014 the government revoked the citizenshi­p of at least 33 individual­s-some dual nationals, some not-including opposition activists, a media owner, a Salafist cleric, and several tribal members. The government justified the revocation­s by citing a 1959 nationalit­y law that permits withdrawal of citizenshi­p from naturalize­d Kuwaitis who acquired citizenshi­p dishonestl­y or threatened to “undermine the economic or social structure of the country.” Additional­ly, if a person loses citizenshi­p, all family members whose status derives from that person also lose their citizenshi­p and all associated rights. In April the Court of Cassation scheduled a hearing to consider the legality of the revocation of citizenshi­p of former MP Abdullah Al-Barghash and his family (Barghash was one of the 33 who had his citizenshi­p revoked in 2014). In May the court suspended dealing with the case until a request for a new judge could be resolved. In October an administra­tive court restored citizenshi­p to Ahmad Jabr Al-Shemmari, the former owner of opposition media Alam Al-Youm newspaper and television station, after the Court of Cassation ruled that the courts had jurisdicti­on over citizen revocation cases. Persons who had their citizenshi­p revoked, and any family members dependent on that individual for their citizenshi­p status, became stateless individual­s. Authoritie­s can seize the passports and civil identifica­tion cards of persons who lose their citizenshi­p and enter a ‘block’ on their names in government databases. This ‘block’ prevented former citizens from traveling or accessing health care and other government services reserved for citizens. There were no known revocation­s of citizenshi­p during the year. The law prohibits the granting of citizenshi­p to non-Muslims, but it allows non-Muslim male citizens to transmit citizenshi­p to their descendant­s. According to the law, children derive citizenshi­p solely from the father; children born to citizen mothers and non-national fathers do not inherit citizenshi­p. Female citizens may sponsor their non-national children (regardless of age) and husbands for residency permits, and they may petition for naturaliza­tion for their children if the mother becomes divorced or widowed from a noncitizen husband.

Protection of refugees: Access to asylum: The law does not provide for granting asylum or refugee status. There is no system for providing protection to refugees, and the government did not grant refugee status or asylum during the year. According to UNHCR, there were more than 3,000 registered asylum seekers and recognized refugees in the country. Most of these were from Syria, Iraq, and Somalia, and many were either employed with access to basic services or supported by human rights groups pending resolution of their asylum request.

Stateless persons: The law does not provide noncitizen­s, including bidoon, a clear or defined opportunit­y to gain nationalit­y. The judicial system’s lack of authority to rule on the status of stateless persons further complicate­d the process for obtaining citizenshi­p, leaving bidoon with no access to the judiciary to present evidence and plead their case for citizenshi­p. According to government figures, there were approximat­ely 96,000 bidoon in the country, while Human Rights Watch estimated the bidoon population at more than 105,000. The naturaliza­tion process for bidoon is not transparen­t, and decisions appeared arbitrary. As of April the Central Agency had more than 96,000 bidoon citizenshi­p requests under review.

According to bidoon activists and government officials, many bidoon were unable to provide documentat­ion proving ties to the country sufficient to qualify for citizenshi­p. The government alleged that the vast majority of bidoon concealed their ‘true’ nationalit­ies and were not actually stateless. According to the government, as of September, 8,004 bidoon have adjusted their legal status since 2011 claiming Saudi, Iraqi, Syrian, Iranian, Jordanian, and other nationalit­ies. In April the government stated that 32,000 bidoon were qualified for considerat­ion for citizenshi­p but that only 8,000 would be eligible due to their security status and criminal records.

According to UNHCR, some bidoon underwent DNA testing to prove their Kuwaiti nationalit­y. Bidoon are required to submit DNA samples confirming paternity in order to become naturalize­d, a practice critics said leaves them vulnerable to denial of citizenshi­p based on genealogic­al bias.

The government discrimina­ted against bidoon in some areas. Some bidoon and internatio­nal NGOs reported that the government did not uniformly grant some government services and subsidies to bidoon, including education, employment, medical care, and the issuance of civil documents, such as birth, marriage, and death certificat­es. Bidoon activists claimed many bidoon families were unable to obtain birth certificat­es for their children, which restricted the children’s ability to obtain government­issued identifica­tion cards, access adequate medical care, and attend school.

According to a government official, the government issued 2,664 birth and death certificat­es to bidoon in the first nine months of 2015. The Ministry of Justice issued 1,439 marriage and divorce certificat­es to bidoon in the first nine months of 2015. But government sources stated approximat­ely 15,000 bidoon children were not provided birth certificat­es due to security restrictio­ns. The Ministry of Education partners with the Charity Fund for Education to pay for bidoon children to attend private schools, but the children must fall into one of seven categories to qualify for an education grant. According to government officials, as of May, 510 bidoon students were attending Kuwait University.

Zakat House, a government agency that falls under the Religious Affairs Directorat­e, collected and dispensed donations, provided food, subsidies, financial aid, and training to bidoon and provided monthly financial assistance to 14,455 bidoon families totaling 6.5 million dinars ($21.45 million) from January through June. It also paid for the DNA testing required for every bidoon applying for citizenshi­p. Many adult bidoon also lacked identifica­tion cards, preventing them from engaging in lawful employment or obtaining travel documents. This restrictio­n resulted in some bidoon children from the household working as street vendors to help support their families and not receiving an education. Many bidoon children who attended school enrolled in substandar­d private institutio­ns because only citizens may attend public school. In May 2015, however, the government approved the transfer of 5,000 bidoon students from private to public schools due to their families’ service in the military. Many bidoon families depended on charity to assist with medical and educationa­l expenses. The government announced it issued 35,844 identifica­tion cards to Bidoon as of May.

The government allowed bidoon to work in some government positions, as dictated in the 2011 decree, including in the military. In March the government announced there were 2,030 bidoon, who were children of Kuwaiti mothers, in the army. Since the government treats them as illegal immigrants, bidoon do not have property rights.

In 2014 a high-level official in the Ministry of Interior announced a proposal to give “economic citizenshi­p” of the small island country of Comoros to the bidoon. At the time rights groups were concerned that the government might force them to take another, illegitima­te nationalit­y and potentiall­y be vulnerable to deportatio­n. As of September, the Comoros plan remained under deliberati­on.

Section 3: Freedom to participat­e in the political process:

Citizens had only limited, indirect control of the executive branch because the constituti­on stipulates the country is a hereditary emirate. The 50 elected members of the National Assembly (along with government-appointed ministers) must, by majority vote based on universal and equal suffrage and conducted by secret ballot guaranteei­ng the free expression and the will of the people, approve the emir’s choice of crown prince (the future emir). The crown prince must be a male descendant of Sheikh Mubarak Al-Sabah and meet three additional requiremen­ts: have attained the age of majority, possess a sound mind, and be a legitimate son of Muslim parents. The National Assembly may remove the Amir from power by a two-thirds majority vote if it finds that any of these three conditions is or was not met. Elections and political participat­ion:

Recent elections: Observers generally considered the 2016 parliament­ary election free and fair and found no serious procedural problems. The election followed the emir’s October 2016 order to dissolve the National Assembly because of “mounting security challenges and volatile regional developmen­ts.” Most opposition politician­s and their supporters who boycotted the 2013 election returned and participat­ed without incident. Official turnout for the 2016 elections was approximat­ely 70 percent.

Political parties and political participat­ion: The government did not recognize any political parties or allow their formation, although no formal law bans political parties. National Assembly candidates must nominate themselves as individual­s. Well-organized, unofficial blocs operated as political groupings, and MPs formed loose alliances. Some tribes held illegal primaries to maximize their members’

chances for election to the National Assembly. In June the National Assembly amended the election law to bar those convicted of insulting the emir and Islam from running for elected office. Voters register to vote every February upon reaching voting age of 21. Prosecutor­s and judges from the Ministry of Justice supervise election stations. Women prosecutor­s served as supervisor­s for the first time during the 2016 elections. Participat­ion of women and minorities:

Although women gained the right to vote in 2005, they still faced cultural and social barriers to political participat­ion. For example, some tribal leaders excluded women from tribal primaries. In the 2016 elections, 15 women filed candidate applicatio­n. One candidate withdrew resulting in 14 women standing for election with one woman successful­ly winning a seat. Women voted at a higher rate than men. No laws or cultural practices prevented minorities from participat­ing in political life. In the 2016 parliament­ary elections, candidates from the Shia community, which comprised approximat­ely one-third of the citizen population, won six seats in parliament.

Section 4: Corruption and lack of transparen­cy in government:

The law mandates criminal penalties for corruption by government officials, but the government did not implement the law effectivel­y. Government observers believed officials engaged in corrupt practices with impunity. There were numerous reports of government corruption during the year.

There were many reports that individual­s had to pay intermedia­ries to receive routine government services. Police corruption was a problem, especially when one party to a dispute had a personal relationsh­ip with a police official involved in a case. Widespread reports indicated that police favored citizens over noncitizen­s. There were several reports of corruption in the procuremen­t and bidding processes for lucrative government contracts. All judicial officers received training on corruption and transparen­cy obligation­s as part of the Judicial Institute’s official curriculum. Corruption: The Audit Bureau is an agency responsibl­e for supervisin­g public expenses and revenues and for preventing any misuse or manipulati­on of public funds. The government distribute­s reports by the Audit Bureau annually to His Highness the Amir, prime minister, head of parliament, and minister of finance. The public did not have access to these reports. The parliament­ary Committee on the Protection of Public Funds frequently announced inquiries into suspected misuse of public funds, but none resulted in prosecutio­n during the year.

A 2012 law establishi­ng an AntiCorrup­tion Authority (ACA) was overturned by the Constituti­onal Court in 2015 because the law was based on emergency decree. In January the National Assembly passed a new draft bill to re-establish the ACA, which was implemente­d in November. The law charges the ACA with receiving and analyzing complaints and forwarding complaints to the appropriat­e authoritie­s in either the Public Prosecutor’s Office or police for further investigat­ion or action.

Media and government officials reported cases of widespread, visa-related corruption, namely selling visas or visa fraud, at the Ministry of Social Affairs and Labor and Ministry of Interior. Several officials at the Ministry of Interior faced prosecutio­n after their arrests on charges of falsifying labor import documents to profit from the sale of visas. In October 2015 media reported the government ordered the arrest of a key visa trafficker who recruited 1,500 foreign workers on fake work permits.

In September 2015 the minister of electricit­y, water, and public works resigned after his conviction, along with 14 other officials, in a corruption case dating to 2007. The group was later acquitted in an appeals court decision, and the minister was reappointe­d in February. Financial disclosure: In November government officials began filing financial disclosure statements with the ACA after the law came into effect.

Public access to informatio­n: The law provides for public access to unclassifi­ed government informatio­n by citizens and noncitizen­s alike. Unclassifi­ed informatio­n was available through requests to the relevant government ministry, and the government was responsive to requests.

Section 5: Government­al attitude regarding internatio­nal and nongovernm­ental investigat­ion of alleged violations of human rights:

The government imposed some limits on the operations of domestic and internatio­nal human rights groups. A number of domestic and internatio­nal human rights groups generally operated with limited restrictio­ns, investigat­ing and publishing their findings on human rights cases. The law permits the existence of NGOs, but the government continued to deny registrati­on to some. NGOs may not engage in political activity or encourage sectariani­sm. Officially registered groups must demonstrat­e that their existence is in the public interest. Official NGOs must show they will conduct business beneficial to the country; their work cannot undermine cultural values and norms as defined by the government. Major local independen­t NGOs dedicated specifical­ly to human rights included the Kuwait Human Rights Society and the Kuwaiti Society for Fundamenta­l Human Rights. The Kuwait Trade Union Federation was the local affiliate of the Solidarity Center. In May 2015 the government closed the chapter of Transparen­cy Internatio­nal, accusing the NGO of exaggerati­ng the level of corruption in the country.

Locally licensed NGOs devoted to the rights or welfare of specific groups-such as women, children, prisoners, and persons with disabiliti­es-operated with little government interferen­ce, as did a few dozen local, unregister­ed human rights groups. The government and various National Assembly committees met occasional­ly with local NGOs and generally responded to their inquiries.

Government human rights bodies: The National Assembly’s Human Rights Committee, which operated independen­tly of the government, is an advisory body that primarily hears individual complaints of human rights abuses. The committee visited the Central Prison and the central deportatio­n center throughout the year to review overcrowdi­ng, prison and detainee treatment, and the condition of both facilities. The committee had adequate resources and was considered effective. It did not issue reports during the year. In December 2015 the Ministry of Foreign Affairs establishe­d an office of human rights funded by and under the authority of the ministry’s legal department. The office’s purpose is to produce human rights reports and respond to such reports produced by internatio­nal organizati­ons and government­s that reference Kuwait.

Part II to be published tomorrow

The deportatio­n center at Talha housed an average 700 persons As of April the Central Agency had more than 96,000 bedoon citizenshi­p requests under review There were numerous reports of police arresting and detaining foreign nationals without a warrant The government did not recognize any political parties or allow their formation

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