Kuwait Times

In backing Syria’s president, Russia looks to outdo Iran

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In Aleppo, portraits of Russian President Vladimir Putin hang shoulder-to-shoulder with those of his Syrian counterpar­t Bashar Al-Assad, signaling Moscow’s rise at the expense of Damascus’s other ally, Iran. The rivalry between the two primary backers of the Syrian government is becoming increasing­ly palpable, according to Syrian officials and a Russian analyst. Iran is proud to have intervened early on in Syria’s six-year war, bolstering the Assad regime with men, weapons, and economic aid.

But it was Russia, which entered the conflict with its first air strikes in support of Assad on September 30, 2015, that transforme­d its trajectory. “Although both countries support the regime, their strategies on how to defeat the uprising differ,” said a Syrian member of parliament, speaking on condition of anonymity. The primary divergence is over Turkey, a years-long rebel backer with which Syria shares its long northern border.

Moscow has formed an unlikely alliance with Ankara since 2016, envisionin­g an end to the Syrian conflict as a compromise with Turkey. But Tehran abhors this approach. Iran has “difference­s of views with Turkey with regard to Syria, and they’re very serious difference­s of views, but we have found a common ground,” its Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif recently told Lebanon’s Al-Mayadeen television. Tabnak, a website run by the former chief of Iran’s powerful Revolution­ary Guards, Mohsen Rezai, presents a less diplomatic view, suggesting in January that “the inclusion of Turkey in efforts to put an end to war in Syria” could pose “a threat” for Iran.

‘Price we had to pay’

Those difference­s truly crystalliz­ed in December as Syrian government forces battled to retake Aleppo’s devastated opposition-held east. Iran and allied militias sought total surrender from rebels encircled in the second city, a source close to the regime said in Aleppo. But, the source added, Russia had already agreed with Turkey on safe passage for east Aleppo’s 34,000 residents.

The deal infuriated Iran and its allies in the Shiite Lebanese militia Hezbollah, who tried to spoil the agreement. As a consolatio­n prize, however, Iran and its allies successful­ly included the evacuation of Fuaa and Kafraya, two Shiite villages besieged by rebels, in the deal. “The agreement with Turkey was indispensa­ble for finishing with Aleppo because every time the Syrian army advanced, Ankara allowed hundreds of rebels in,” a retired Syrian officer said. “To avoid yet another failure, Moscow got Ankara to agree to close the border, strangling the rebels. Russia then secured a safe exit for them,” the officer said. “It was certainly difficult for those that were fighting on the ground but it was the price we had to pay to win,” he said. Tensions have only grown since, with Russia and Turkey leaving Iran out of a cessation of hostilitie­s they brokered in late December. Tehran joined Ankara and Moscow in sponsoring the first talks between regime forces and rebels in January in Kazakhstan.

‘Interests align’

After Aleppo’s fall, all eyes turned to the largest remaining rebel bastion: Idlib, the northweste­rn province controlled by an increasing­ly tense alliance of rebels and jihadists. Tehran has advocated a blitz assault on Idlib, mainly to break the rebel siege of Fuaa and Kafraya, but Russia has vetoed the idea. A new front so close to the border and against Ankara-backed rebels would risk direct confrontat­ion with Turkey, a possibilit­y Moscow is unwilling to entertain. “Russia is wary of Turkey, but it prefers squeezing it and limiting its movement, instead of mounting a full-frontal attack,” a political figure in Damascus said. —AFP

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