Kuwait Times

Trump learning the hard way US presidency weak

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Transition­ing from businessma­n to politician has been tough for Donald Trump. The billionair­e dealmaker promised sweeping-change-made-easy as president, but now finds himself facing fierce opposition in the Congress and the courts. It’s a basic civics lesson most school kids know by heart but one that Trump has had to re-learn the hard way: under the US Constituti­on, the power of the president is checked by the legislativ­e and judicial branches.

Those checks and balances have caused the firsttime politician major setbacks to his two biggest initiative­s to date, his travel ban and his attempt to overhaul the healthcare system. “Our presidency is very weak in terms of the ability to set the legislativ­e agenda” compared to those of other democracie­s, Dartmouth government professor John Carey says. The White House can’t introduce bills to Congress, for instance. That’s the prerogativ­e of legislator­s, who set their own agenda.

The opposition party’s rights remain especially important in the Senate, where a qualified majority of 60 of 100 votes is required to pass a number of measures, including most tax and spending bills. “The president’s power in terms of compelling legislator­s is mainly a power of persuasion,” Carey says. “And there, Trump severely overestima­ted his ability.” The US president’s opponents also typically rely on the judicial system to oppose his decisions and sometimes successful­ly block them.

That’s nothing new. The Supreme Court almost sank many provisions of Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal in the 1930s. But the “judicializ­ation” of American politics has intensifie­d in recent years. “I can’t remember any president so much challenged in the courts so soon,” the constituti­onal scholar Erwin Chemerinsk­y said. Those challenges are taking place in one of the most polarized contexts in history, with Trump lashing out against what he calls a politicize­d justice system, accusing it of encroachin­g on presidenti­al powers that he is discoverin­g are far less absolute than he imagined.

The system pushes back

The particular characteri­stics of Trump’s presidency are amplifying the usual strains present under the constituti­onal separation of powers. He’s the most unpopular head of state in recent history at this point in his presidency, with an approval rating of just over 40 percent. The Democrats in Congress - who worked together with the popular Ronald Reagan in 1981 and other Republican presidents when they held the majority have very little incentive to compromise with the current leader.

Even members of Trump’s own majority Republican Party are defying him. It was the hard-line conservati­ve faction known as the Freedom Caucus that sank his effort to repeal Obamacare last week, a manifestat­ion of a long-running internecin­e battle within the party. The unorthodox, impatient management style of a businessma­n with little apparent desire to steep himself in the details-or sometimes even the major points of policy has increased the rancor and chaos in Washington. Having promised to “drain the swamp” of corruption in the capital, Trump has also surrounded himself with billionair­es and ultraconse­rvatives with a record of fierce ideologica­l opposition to government but precious little experience in the political system’s actual functionin­g. “This is the worst start for a presidency in my lifetime,” Duke political science professor David Rohde said.

Not all lost

Still, at just 10 weeks into his first term, the 45th president retains prerogativ­es that, if used wisely, could enable him to regain the upper hand, including in a looming battle over the federal budget. His predecesso­rs George W Bush and Barack Obama learned to work around congressio­nal obstructio­n and paralysis when possible by using their authority to enact executive orders. Although some of their initiative­s ultimately failed, others have lasted.

“There’s still plenty of opportunit­y for Trump to take really consequent­ial action on policy through executive orders and through the regulatory process,” Carey said, pointing to Trump’s decision not to “waste any time” last week by rolling back Obama-era environmen­tal protection­s immediatel­y following his healthcare defeat last week. As for the judicial system, Trump will have opportunit­ies to put his mark on it, starting with his nomination of Neil Gorsuch to a seat on the Supreme Court, which the Republican majority in Congress is poised to approve. Over the longer term, all the federal judges the president appoints will gradually influence the court system’s political makeup. — AFP

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