Kuwait Times

Trump disclosure breach of trust, if not law

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US President Donald Trump didn’t appear to break any law by sharing highly classified informatio­n with Russia, but that doesn’t make it any less problemati­c for America’s intelligen­ce agencies and their overseas partners. Even as Trump’s national security adviser insisted the Oval Office disclosure to visiting Russian diplomats was “wholly appropriat­e” and routine, few people outside of the White House saw it that way. Especially troubling was that a foreign country provided the intelligen­ce confidenti­ally to the US.

A look at the legal and national security issues at stake:

What did Trump tell The Russians?

Trump shared informatio­n about a threat from the Islamic State group while hosting Russia’s foreign minister and ambassador to Washington. The threat related to laptops carried on airplanes, according to a senior US official.

The informatio­n appears to be related to the basis for a US and British decision in March to bar laptops and tablets from being carried on board internatio­nal flights from cities in Jordan, Egypt, Saudi Arabia and other Middle East countries. US and European Union officials more recently have discussed expanding the ban to include flights from Europe.

Where did Trump get the informatio­n?

The highly classified informatio­n about an Islamic State plot was collected by Israel, a crucial source of intelligen­ce and close partner in the fight against some of the America’s fiercest threats in the Middle East. A US official who confirmed the disclosure to The Associated Press said the revelation potentiall­y put the source at risk. The White House said Trump wasn’t briefed on the source of the intelligen­ce and didn’t know where it came from when he passed it along to the Russians.

Was what Trump did legal?

Probably. The system for how US secrets are classified and the rules for how they’re handled derive from an executive order. That means secrets are governed by the president and not by laws passed by Congress. The president’s authority to make the classifica­tion rules comes from his constituti­onal powers as the commander in chief and head of the executive branch. Typically, that has been interprete­d to mean that the president has the ultimate authority to classify and to declassify informatio­n. Put another way, classified informatio­n becomes unclassifi­ed by default the moment the president chooses to disclose it.

But there are other laws that could come into play when sensitive informatio­n is disclosed to harm the US, according to David Pozen, who teaches national security law at Columbia Law School. These include the Espionage Act and Identities Protection Act. Still, it’s hard to imagine the president being prosecuted under those laws given that it’s his constituti­onal power to make national security decisions.

So what’s the problem?

The disclosure to Russia appeared to violate an intelligen­ce-sharing agreement that provides the US critical informatio­n about threats to the nation. A breach of trust raises the possibilit­y that US friends might curtail such intelligen­ce partnershi­ps out of concern their secrets - and their sources and methods - could end up in the wrong hands. The fact that the secrets went to Russia, an adversary of the US and many of its allies, was especially alarming.

US intelligen­ce-sharing agreements include the Five Eyes program with Canada, Australia, Britain and New Zealand. These countries share vast amounts of informatio­n and promise not to spy on each other. The US also shares intelligen­ce with countries like Germany that broadly share US national security goals. Russia, a top espionage concern for the US, is different. Even sharing limited amounts of intelligen­ce about terrorist targets with Russia, in Syria for example, has been the source of major controvers­y in the past. And Russia’s allies and partners include Syria, Iran, China and other American rivals.

How have past presidents handled these issues?

Other American leaders routinely authorized disclosing certain secrets to other countries - but not the way Trump did it. Typically, before disclosing intelligen­ce to another country, there would be an evaluation of costs and benefits, close consultati­on with the US intelligen­ce community, and detailed considerat­ion of how much to say and in what words so as to mitigate risks. “That way, they can take steps to protect sources and methods,” said Steven Pike, a former State Department official who teaches at Syracuse University. The White House acknowledg­ed Trump made the decision essentiall­y on the spot. In fact, it was so unexpected that officials later called the National Security Agency and the CIA to inform them of the breach of protocol and try to limit any damage.

What’s all this talk about ‘Sources and Methods’?

Intelligen­ce agencies use the phrase “sources and methods” to describe secrets about how intelligen­ce is gathered. Even when intelligen­ce is declassifi­ed, the government typically keeps secret the ways it acquired the intelligen­ce. This way, it preserves its ability to collect more intelligen­ce in the future. When the US this week released details about prisoner killings in Syria, it didn’t outline exactly how it knew what it claimed to know.

Trump and his aides insist he did not reveal sources and methods to the Russians, and thus didn’t put intelligen­ce-gathering at risk. But intelligen­ce experts say it’s not that simple. Adversarie­s can often look at intelligen­ce that has been disclosed and reverse-engineer where it came using a process of eliminatio­n. That raises concerns the Islamic State group might be able to identify a vulnerabil­ity that spies have been exploiting and cut it off. —AP

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