Kuwait Times

If Trump kills Iran nuclear deal, global security will suffer

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After months of threatenin­g to undo the Iran nuclear deal, formally known as the Joint Comprehens­ive Plan of Action (JCPOA), Donald Trump once again opted to extend the deal by waiving economic sanctions on Iran. This was the “last chance,” he declared in a Jan. 12 statement, “to either fix the deal’s disastrous flaws, or the United States will withdraw.”

The US president provided four conditions for a “supplement­al agreement” to the JCPOA and called on Congress to ordain them into law. These include: Iran allowing “immediate” inspection­s of “all sites requested by internatio­nal inspectors,” Iran never coming “close to possessing a nuclear weapon,” that there be “no expiration date” for these provisions, and finally, that the legislatio­n explicitly state that Iran’s “long-range missile and nuclear weapons programs are inseparabl­e.”

In the event that Congress or American allies in Europe fail to support the so-called supplement­al agreement, Trump proclaimed, he would unilateral­ly “terminate” the JCPOA. This is a shocking attitude towards the European Union member countries, among others.

The reality is that the JCPOA’s text stipulates the highest standards on nuclear transparen­cy and inspection­s ever negotiated and provides verifiable assurances that Iran’s nuclear program cannot be diverted towards developing nuclear weapons. These measures already meet the first two of Trump’s conditions and surpass anything agreed to by a member of the nuclear non-proliferat­ion treaty (NPT).

Furthermor­e, while the JCPOA’s major restrictio­ns are temporary, with expiration dates ranging from eight to 25 years, after the deal expires, Iran returns to monitoring under the Internatio­nal Atomic Energy Agency’s “Additional Protocol” safeguards. As noted by more than 90 nuclear scientists in an October 2017 letter supporting the JCPOA, these represent the “strongest set of generally applicable safeguards implemente­d by the IAEA.”

Trump’s conditions seemingly seek to make permanent the JCPOA’s major restrictio­ns on Iran’s nuclear program and connect the Iranian nuclear program to its missile program, despite the opposition of other world powers to any renegotiat­ion of the deal and the conditions representi­ng an egregious violation of the NPT. Indeed, Iran has a sovereign right to enrich uranium for peaceful purposes under the treaty, which states that there should be no discrimina­tion in the right of signatorie­s to benefit from peaceful nuclear technologi­es and in no way limits states’ abilities to develop convention­al weapons.\

Sovereign Right

Iran also has a sovereign right to possess missiles to defend itself. There are no internatio­nal treaties banning convention­al missiles. “President Trump has no right to dictate limits or restrictio­ns over and beyond those just described,” said Peter Jenkins, a former UK ambassador to the IAEA. If Trump follows through with his ultimatum and chooses to leave the JCPOA, his decision will have long-term consequenc­es not only for the United States but also for global attempts to control nuclear proliferat­ion.

First, in the domestic arena, all vital political organs from Congress to Trump’s own national security agencies, including the National Security Council, Pentagon, State Department, and Department of Energy, oppose unilateral American withdrawal because they believe the agreement prevents Iran from developing nuclear weapons and that withdrawal will isolate the United States internatio­nally.

Second, scuttling the JCPOA will increase global mistrust of the United States and remove any incentive for North Korea to negotiate a deal to curtail its own nuclear program. Washington could also find it harder to win support for any military campaign it may launch against Pyongyang if US allies hold it responsibl­e for re-igniting the Iranian nuclear crisis.

Third, the JCPOA was endorsed by the UN Security Council - which includes the United States - and its other members continue to support the deal. Based on the UN charter, it is the obligation of all members to enact Security Council resolution­s. Outright US violation of UNSC Resolution 2231 will damage the credibilit­y of other Security Council resolution­s and be seen by other member states as hurting its consensus-driven model.

Fourth, the IAEA has on numerous occasions confirmed Iran’s adherence to the deal and has emphasized that US withdrawal will foment a crisis in the agency’s ability to carry out its inspection duties. The JCPOA represents a major achievemen­t for the IAEA because it is the most comprehens­ive non-proliferat­ion agreement in history. It is a new standard for resolving nuclear crises and its tenets may even have prevented countries such as North Korea from developing nuclear weapons in the first place.

Fifth, the majority of Washington’s allies, including the EU, Japan, Australia, Canada, and South Korea, strongly oppose the United States abandoning the JCPOA. This represents a significan­t break in America’s alliance system and, going forward, could affect future collaborat­ion on issues such as Russia’s annexation of Crimea. These factors are presumably the reason Trump has again waived sanctions on Iran. But they will still exist in midMay - the next deadline for Trump’s sanctions decision and for every 120 days after that. —Reuters

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