Kuwait Times

Republican­s more tied to Trump than ever

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Republican­s’ loss of control of the US House of Representa­tives will leave the party with a more conservati­ve congressio­nal caucus that is even more bound to President Donald Trump and more united around his provocativ­e rhetoric and hardline agenda. Although moderate Republican­s who remain in the House may view the result as an indictment of Trump’s strategy of focusing relentless­ly on illegal immigratio­n in the final stretch of the campaign, they will be a small minority.

Many Republican­s who lost their seats were moderates from suburban-heavy districts who tried to keep some distance from Trump and his rhetoric, but lost anyway. That leaves a shrunken core dominated by conservati­ves from rural areas whose constituen­ts overwhelmi­ngly support Trump. In short, Trump will stay Trump. Although some Republican­s may blame him for Tuesday’s losses, they are unlikely to be emboldened to rebel, especially given that the party kept control of the Senate.

Over the past two years, the president has shown little inclinatio­n to change his slash-and-burn style or turn conciliato­ry. He knows that he remains without question the most popular figure in his party. Now, Trump begins his run for re-election in earnest, where he will make every effort to galvanize his base of passionate supporters. That means that even in the face of stronger Democratic opposition, Trump is likely to advocate for his “America First” agenda that prioritize­s hot-button issues, such as illegal immigratio­n and trade protection­ism. This, in turn, will accelerate his dramatic reshaping of a party that for decades was defined by fiscal, social and national security conservati­sm.

Knowing that House Democrats will not approve funding for a wall along the US border, for example, will not keep Trump from continuing to make it an issue. In fact, he may find it more politicall­y effective to have House Democrats as a foil. The surviving Republican members in the House, too, will have little interest in cooperatin­g with the new Democratic majority, leaving Republican congressio­nal power focused in the Senate and the government largely gridlocked. “A Democratic House means that if the president wants to get things done, he’s going to have to work across the aisle,” said Jason McGrath, a Democratic pollster in Chicago. “He hasn’t shown any inclinatio­n to do that, but it will be interestin­g to see if this is a moment he will want to govern rather than just make points.”

Suburban shift

The shift has long-term implicatio­ns for Republican­s in districts that flipped Democratic on Tuesday and gives Democrats an opportunit­y to build on gains in once-reliably Republican suburbs where education levels and incomes are above the national average - and where skepticism of Trump runs deep. The party already faced challenges in trying to grow beyond its base of middle-class Trump supporters, white men, and evangelica­ls. It has lost ground among women, suburban voters, voters with college degrees, while showing little ability to win over young and minority voters.

That will almost certainly continue if a shrinking congressio­nal caucus paves the way for greater fealty to Trump. In the Senate, centrist Democrats from states that Trump won in 2016 such as Joe Donnelly in Indiana and Heidi Heitkamp in North Dakota were replaced by conservati­ve Republican­s who may credit their victories to the president. Moreover, Trump’s fiercest Republican critics in the Senate, Bob Corker and Jeff Flake, are retiring. So is Paul Ryan, the Republican speaker of the House who at times differed with the president’s tone, if not his policies. All of it leaves Trump a more dominant force in the party than he was even two years ago. And Trump, who campaigned heavily in rural states, can point to those Senate wins as evidence he can still drive his voters to the polls.

Low expectatio­ns

All year, Republican­s have been clear-eyed about their potential losses in the House, and so likely will not view Tuesday’s result as a warning sign the party needs to change its ways. Historical­ly, the party in power loses several seats during the first midterm election of a new president, particular­ly if his national job approval ratings are low. Democrats lost 63 seats in 2010 with Barack Obama in the White House, handing control to the Republican­s, who brought Obama’s agenda largely to a halt.

In the closing weeks of the election, Trump stoked fears over a caravan of migrants approachin­g the United States from Central America and warned of the threat from liberal “mobs” if Democrats won power, trying to stoke his base to the polls. Several Republican candidates and advocacy groups such as the Congressio­nal Leadership Fund joined in, concluding that the party’s economic message was not resonating. In two years, should economic growth slow, the party may not even have that argument. With Congress expected to produce little in the way of meaningful legislatio­n in coming months, Republican candidates in the next election cycle are likely to have few accomplish­ments to point to. A 2017 tax-cut law will be a distant memory. Those Republican candidates who run for office with Trump at the top of the ticket will have a difficult time establishi­ng their own political identities - and they may not want to, as US presidents by and large win their second terms. — Reuters

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