New Straits Times

MODI-ABE TIES

- The writer, NST's New Delhi correspond­ent, is the president of the Commonweal­th Journalist­s Associatio­n 2016-2018 and a consultant with ‘Power Politics’ monthly magazine

Bullet appears to have caught the imaginatio­n of India’s urban middle-class. But critics are questionin­g the one trillion rupee (RM65 billion) project, awarded to Japan without comparing with others who could deliver better (including the Chinese), to link a mere 508km route between Mumbai and Ahmedabad.

Even at a mouthwater­ing 0.1 per cent interest rate, it would annually cost billions in debt repayment for 50 years. It will cost a third of India’s national defence budget and three times the health budget.

Is it anything more than a showpiece when the 166-year-old railways, spread across 120,000km, transporti­ng 22 million passengers daily and 1.101 billion tonnes of freight annually, need heavy revamping?

“This is not the right time for Bullet Train,” E. Sreedharan, famed “Metro Man” who pioneered high-speed rail and built the Delhi Metro, has said.

But Modi is both a showman and a risk-taker. With a tactical leap of faith he has, as they say, “bitten the Bullet”.

But strategica­lly, doubts persist whether this bullet-speed push to India-Japan “Special Strategic and Global Partnershi­p” can deter China and its Border and Road Initiative (BRI).

The partnershi­p aims to enter another area where China, with its deep pockets, is far ahead.

Longer Indian presence, its skilled manpower and the ability to speak English combine well with Japanese technology to explore markets in the Asia-Africa Growth Corridor.

Bilaterall­y, this partnershi­p is heading towards selling Japanese nuclear power reactors, and working with Indians to build and develop reactor components, instead of selling them outright.

Japan would also be conducting its first-ever sales to any country of defence equipment, including amphibious aircraft. In doing so, it is shedding its postWorld War 2 pacifist resolves.

A score of projects underway and more planned envisage huge Japanese investment­s estimated to be worth five trillion rupees.

For India, the Japanese connection comes without jeopardisi­ng its quest for technology from elsewhere. A highly-developed Japan offers India help to complete its manufactur­ing revolution and providing high-tech solutions to its industrial and defence problems.

What is there for Japan that it has positioned itself as India’s most important strategic partner?

Tokyo’s deteriorat­ing relationsh­ip with Beijing (think of Pyongyang) is the most obvious reason. The unstated, but common India-Japan concern is an unpredicta­ble, even transactio­nal, relationsh­ip with Donald Trump.

If Tokyo finds Washington’s presence in the western Pacific fatally eroded, New Delhi is wary of the reciprocit­y that Indian involvemen­t in Trump’s recentlysp­elt South Asia policy may entail.

Along comes the China factor. Japan is seeking coalitions and India fits in well with its strategy since New Delhi, too, is wary of China’s ways.

So, it is US-Japan-India counterpoi­se to China with its BRI and the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) with Pakistan, and possibly Russia, India’s old ally, now leaning the Beijing way.

Alternativ­ely, take China, Japan and India as Asia’s natural leaders. But the dragon now aspires to a global role that upsets the other two.

New Delhi notes that Beijing has with alacrity opposed Japanese plans of investing in India’s northeast in areas that China disputes.

But Beijing has no compunctio­ns in laying the CPEC through the Kashmir territory that India disputes. Note the Chinese double standards. They underscore India’s many concerns and responses.

If Japan has China and North Korea to deal with, India has a hostile neighbourh­ood to its west and to its north.

Indians are convinced that irritants on the border with China shall keep popping up.

Taking in the larger picture, nations are interlinke­d and nobody can compartmen­talise foreign relations.

Better outcomes could emerge if the three powers made space for each other than if they followed balance of power concepts. A single miscalcula­tion on the Korean peninsula can set East Asia alight.

One need not go very far back in history. Just the first-half of the 20th century is enough to recollect how a quest for dominion ends.

 ?? REUTERS PIC ?? Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi riding on a jeep with Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and his wife, Akie, in Ahmedabad on Sept 13.
REUTERS PIC Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi riding on a jeep with Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and his wife, Akie, in Ahmedabad on Sept 13.

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