AMERICA’S GOP NEEDS A MORAL COMPASS

Conservatives need to repair the frayed relationship between pro-Trumpers and never-Trumpers and, most importantly, re-establish the party’s commitment to a principles-based ideology

IN 1980, American conservatives celebrated a longawaited political victory when Ronald Reagan was elected the 40th United States president. He was the first trueblue conservative elected since Calvin Coolidge, 56 years earlier.

Reagan, with his Republican Party (GOP), touted a distinctly conservative agenda, characterised by three pursuits: a strong, anti-communist foreign policy, limited government, and the restoration of social and cultural moral values. He succeeded in the fight against communism, as the Cold War ended with the collapse of the Soviet Union, shortly after Reagan left office. He had partial success limiting government; taxes were cut and many federal initiatives were slashed or returned to the states, but the size of government, as measured by federal spending, yearly deficits and overall national debt, increased greatly, and continues to grow.

By the time Donald Trump was elected president, conservatives were divided, and remain so, on foreign policy (Rand Paul conservatives tout isolationism, while “neo-cons” support protracted overseas fighting) and only pretended, through campaign speeches, to favour limited government. Indeed, during eight years of “conservative” George W. Bush’s presidency, the US added costly spending programmes (most notably subsidised prescription drugs for the elderly), and recorded record-level budget deficits and debt levels.

By 2016, the only plank of conservatism intact was a commitment to values, something Trump and his core followers quickly and unapologetically disavowed. Today, what remains is quite a spectacle. Enthusiasts of the party that once advocated moral rejuvenation now cheer wildly as their president calls people names, routinely lies, and indiscriminately labels as “fake news” any story he dislikes.

Many conservative Republicans, including, notably, Christian evangelicals, who opposed Trump during his nomination campaign ended up supporting him in the general election, reckoning that he was more likely to work for conservative causes than Hillary Clinton. And they were right about that. Trump has appointed conservative judges, slashed numerous government regulations, and cut taxes (especially those paid by the wealthy).

But their decision to support a man whose lying and philandering are comparable to Bill Clinton’s and whose (taped) comments about women would cost other men, including every one of Trump’s media critics, their jobs has come with a heavy price, as these conservatives have publicly abandoned their defence of moral and ethical standards and emerged as hypocrites.

Furthermore, the embrace of Trump by most Republicans has divided the conservative community between those who support him in the name of party unity and the pursuit of political objectives, and those commonly referred to as never-Trumpers — a group more despised by Trumpians than anti-Trump liberals. This was illustrated recently by a vicious tirade against America’s most celebrated living conservative journalist, George Will. William Bennett, Secretary of Education under Reagan, excoriated Will in writing for his criticism of Vice-President Mike Pence, whom Will said was “selfrighteous” and “calculating” for doing the bidding of Trump, however improper the tasks may be.

Bennett’s published fury reflects the hypocrisy of self-described conservatives, especially those of national prominence. Bennett has long positioned himself as a champion of virtuous behaviour. This is evidenced by his 1993 book, The Book of Virtues: A Treasury of Great Moral Stories, and his 1998 book, The Death of Outrage, where Bennett argued vigorously that the private morality of leaders was of great importance, and that “…a president whose character manifests itself in patterns of reckless personal conduct, deceit, abuse of power, and contempt for the rule of law cannot be a good president”. In other words, Bennett counselled readers and anyone else who would listen about the importance of moral behaviour — and he specifically called for moral behaviour by presidents.

To be fair, Bennett’s argument in defence of Trump is grounded on the premise that many of those currently firing on the president defended Clinton — which is true, but does not matter. He also maintains that the downfall of Trump is favoured by, and would benefit, the left — and that does not matter, either — if the point is that the moral behaviour of leaders is important. That is, neither the hypocrisy of the left nor any political benefits which might accrue to them as a consequence of Trump’s troubles excuses conservatives’ hypocrisy.

When Clinton was caught up in the throes of the Monica Lewinsky scandal, most conservatives screamed along with Bennett, attacking the president for his moral shortcomings. They argued that a lying, serial adulterer who could not be trusted by his wife could not be trusted by Americans, and they cheered Republicans who carried the impeachment process to fruition. So why, 20 years later, do these one-time morality-thumpers give Trump a pass?

For conservatives who abandoned their principles to back Trump, history surely will treat them unkindly. We do not have to wonder about whether this will happen, either. As Clinton lied and scrambled to rationalise his scandalous behaviour involving women, almost all feminists, including the National Organisation for Women (NOW), declined to join the crusade against Clinton, reasoning that, on balance, his support of women’s rights outweighed his personal moral lapses.

Today, NOW exists as an interest group of minor importance, and feminist leaders are viewed suspiciously whenever they weigh in on public issues.

All of this suggests a long, hard road ahead for conservatives. They need to restore Republican Party unity, repair the frayed relationship between proTrumpers and never-Trumpers, and, most importantly, reestablish — if even possible — the party’s commitment to a principlesbased ideology.

Enthusiasts of the party that once advocated moral rejuvenation now cheer wildly as their president calls people names, routinely lies, and indiscriminately labels as ‘fake news’ any story he dislikes.

The writer is a professor in the American Degree Programme at HELP University, Malaysia