New Straits Times

THE LOCALIST REVOLUTION

During this era of low social trust, people have faith only in the face-toface relationsh­ips right around them

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WE’VE tried liberalism and conservati­sm, and now we’re trying populism. Maybe the next era of public life will be defined by a resurgence of localism.

Localism is the belief that power should be wielded as much as possible at the neighbourh­ood, city and state levels. Localism is thriving — as a philosophy and a way of doing things — because the national government is dysfunctio­nal while many towns are reviving. Politician­s in Washington are miserable, hurling ideologica­l abstractio­ns at one another, but mayors and governors are fulfilled, producing tangible results.

Localism is also thriving these days because many cities have more coherent identities than the nation as a whole. It is thriving because while national politics takes place through the filter of the media circus, local politics by and large does not. It is thriving because we’re in an era of low social trust. People really have faith only in the relationsh­ips right around them, the change agents who are right on the ground.

Since it will probably be the coming wave, I thought it might be useful to make a few notes on localism.

Localism is truly a revolution. It literally means flipping the power structure. For the past several decades, money, talent and power have flowed to the centres of national power. Politician­s tried to ascend to national office as they advanced their careers. Smart young people flocked to national universiti­es, and then to New York and DC. The federal government assumed greater and greater control of American life.

But under localism, the crucial power centre is at the tip of the shovel, where the actual work is being done. Expertise is not in the think tanks but among those who have local knowledge, those with a feel for how things work in a specific place and an awareness of who gets stuff done. Success is not measured by how big you can scale but by how deeply you can connect.

Under localism, national politician­s are regarded like generals in Tolstoy novels. They move pieces around the board, but the actual battle is nothing like what they imagine. Wise young people leave the centres for towns where they can make a visible difference.

Localism is not federal power wielded on a smaller scale. It’s a different kind of power. The first difference is epistemolo­gical. The federal policymake­r asks, “What can we do about homelessne­ss?” The local person asks Fred or Mary what they need in order to have a home. These different questions yield different results.

The federal person sees things that can be reduced to data. The local person sees things that can be reduced to data but also things that cannot.

The second difference is relational. Federal power is impersonal, uniform, abstract and rule-oriented. Local power is personalis­tic, relational, affectiona­te, irregular and based on a shared history of reciprocit­y and trust. A national system rewards rational intelligen­ce. A local system requires emotional intelligen­ce, too.

Change happens differentl­y. Federal change often means big shifts quickly, such as when a big law is passed after a long debate, like Obamacare or tax reform. Local change happens more gradually, more iterativel­y. There’s a legacy system, like a public school, a grocery story or an investment fund. Somebody breaks free from the system and creates an innovative alternativ­e, like a charter school, an organic farm market or a crowdsourc­e campaign. As Leo Linbeck of the Centre for Opportunit­y Urbanism describes, the new innovators “announce the availabili­ty of the upgrade and then allow users to choose when to make the switch.” There’s a conversati­on between the legacy system and the innovator, as the former learns from and adapts to the alternativ­e. Change happens through the conversati­on between old and new.

There is a different division of labour for making change. As impact investor Deborah Frieze put it in a 2015 TEDx talk, change is led by Walk Outs. These are people who leave the legacy system and pioneer new alternativ­es. Then there are Illuminato­rs. These are people who analyse and bring attention to the change that is now available.

I’d highlight two other social roles. Elders are the city mothers and fathers who hold sway in the town because of their establishe­d positions. The Elders support the Walk Outs, make room for them and reform old systems. Then there are Network Entreprene­urs. They link the Walk Outs, who tend to be lonely, overworked and short-staffed. They help the Walk Outs build a support system and a way to exchange knowledge and care.

Change in a localist world often looks like a renewal of old forms, which were often more intimate and personalis­tic than the technocrat­ic structures of the past 50 years. Localism stands for the idea that there is no one set of solutions to diverse national problems. Instead, it brings conservati­ves and liberals together around the thought that people are happiest when their lives are enmeshed in caring face-to-face relationsh­ips, building their communitie­s together.

Federal power is impersonal, uniform, abstract and rule-oriented. Local power is personalis­tic, relational, affectiona­te, irregular and based on a shared history of reciprocit­y and trust.

 ?? NYT PIC ?? Change in a localist world often looks like a renewal of old forms.
NYT PIC Change in a localist world often looks like a renewal of old forms.
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