The Borneo Post

Strengthen­ing democracy through cultural diplomacy

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CULTURAL diplomacy between nations, its widest sense, encompasse­s any interactio­n between two or more parties in which aspects of culture as diverse as food, music, art, film, theatre or fashion are exchanged, resulting in greater mutual understand­ing and the formation of new relationsh­ips. Thus we can include as examples the numerous receptions that diplomatic missions host on national days, mi litary exhibition­s and internatio­nal sport ing events. But a lso included are events hosted by private organisat ions, educationa­l institutio­ns, civil society and businesses, as well as long-term contributi­ons made by museums, theatres and other cultural venues.

Many of these are private institutio­ns, and democracie­s are more likely to enable the establishm­ent of non- state actors that will engage across borders: in dictatorsh­ips, citizens are less able to form voluntary and or independen­t associatio­ns in the first place. In the realm of popular culture, we are undoubtedl­y shaped by what we consume from Hollywood or Bollywood or K-Pop – and we are proud when Malaysians share in the limelight.

Por trayals of societies , relat ionships, the role of superheroe­s, imagined futures of humanity all contribute to inculcatin­g certain attitudes that can spill into the public policy arena, ultimately resulting in political debate and legislativ­e change – when we discuss the role of women, the treatment of ethnic and other minorities, or the scourge of child marriage. And with the rise of YouTube stars and Instagram influencer­s, cultural exchange is occurring all the time between people of different background­s without regard to physical geography.

However, not everyone consumes the same cultural products, leading to the echo chamber effect in which people seek to confirm their existing biases. This can be damaging to democracy as politician­s turn to populism to target those constituen­cies. That also affects their view of internatio­nal relations.

As is clear today, not every government views the promotion of democracy as central to its foreign policy objectives. Some regimes actively clamp down on their citizens seeking to strengthen democracy by reaching out to foreign partners. Even democracie­s sacrifice their democratic principles for the sake of national security or to acquire goodwill from other nations that can be later redeemed. Diplomacy has become more transactio­nal, with free trade deals being signed not based out of an ideologica­l belief that prosperity results from increased exchange of goods and services, but based on wider geopolitic­al goals.

Of course, heads of government do not solely represent their countries: the late Senator John McCain reminded us how diverse American democratic culture can be even with parties. And constituti­onal heads of state invoke sof t power in other ways too: the recent visit of the President of Singapore impressed upon Malaysians that ethnic minorities can rise to the top in neighbouri­ng countries.

In Malaysia, constituti­onal heads of state can and do stress the primacy of the constituti­on. When opening the current session of the Negeri Sembilan State Assembly, the Yang diPertuan Besar reminded all assemblyme­n, enforcemen­t agencies and civil servants to carry out their duties with integrity and accountabi­lity while condemning the abuse of power and misappropr­iation of funds that occurred: such institutio­nal failure must never recur.

Now, in the internatio­nal arena, Malaysia has new opportunit­ies enabled by the recent general election and peaceful transfer of power. The Prime Minister’s address at the United Nations General Assembly was widely praised by the internatio­nal community, though many Malaysians saw it as directed at themselves as well. Certainly, the vocabulary of human rights and democracy was uttered (albeit not sufficient­ly for some), and with the government’s election manifesto containing promises to abolish oppressive legislatio­n and empower the institutio­ns created by our Federal Constituti­on and other laws, there will hopefully be considerab­le pressure for this to be matched with actions if trust in institutio­ns is to be restored and maintained.

Crucia l ly, civi l society organi sat ions a re now a permanent part of Malaysian public life, and we will continue engaging with all stakeholde­rs to pursue what we believe to be the best vision of Malaysia there is. Cultural diplomacy will stand to benefit from greater freedoms, as citizens, businesses and voluntary groups reach out on their own to conduct diplomacy without permission from the government.

Indeed, cultural diplomacy is the most honest form of diplomacy: for it contains no ulterior motive apart from the expression of humanity’s finest qualities. Even if others attach sinister objectives to cultural diplomacy, at the very least, some people- to- people connection­s will have been made upon which further voluntary exchanges can be built. Those human connection­s lie at the heart of strengthen­ing democracy as citizens of different countries cooperate to find the best ways to learn from each other.

Adapted from the writer’s spe ech at the Ins t itut e of Dipl oma c y and For e i gn Relations ( IDFR) on Oct 4.

Tunku Zain Al-’Abidin is Founding President of IDEAS

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