What a difference a year can make
As 2018 comes to an end, let us do the obligatory retrospection as a nation.
A HELL of a lot has happened in 2018. But crucially, as the old adage goes, this year shows that the more things change, the more they tend to stay the same.
The biggest political event for Malaysia this year was of course the 14th General Election, and its aftermath. The change of government brought over a much needed fresh air into national politics, making it “interesting” again, to say the least.
A study on youth perception on the “New Malaysia” conducted by local think tank IMAN Research showed that as the result of the change of the political landscape, youth in Malaysia are more fired up about local politics. However, as the promised social, political and economic reforms seem less and less attainable, this positive outlook on the New Malaysia is dimming.
The current Pakatan Harapan administration is a coalition of opportunities, and not a coalition of ideas. Friction among the different components of the coalition is widening, taking its toll on the mostly inexperienced new ministers. Reform agendas seem to be neglected, while other external problems are destabilising the coalition even more.
The Icerd fracas and the Seafield Sri Mariamman Temple riot are not only a test for the New Malaysia, but they also highlight the “deep differences” that the country as a whole has been experiencing.
Scholar Vanessa Watson describes these differences as “inter-group” differences and “state–citizen” differences. Inter-group differences, she explains, are brought about by material, ethnic, racial or other differences. State–citizen differences refer to the relationship between the hegemonic technical, managerial and political systems and the everyday needs and priorities of the people.
Racial and religious harmony that we always harp on is a romantic idea that might have a place in the past or the utopian future. Instead, we need to come to grip with the reality of our own differences, and work on something that can serve this complexity, instead of suppressing them like before, which will only lead to an implosion.
A proportional representation electoral system, as well as a stronger and elected local government, are possible and feasible approaches that can ensure each community will be heard.
PH needs to refocus and push for the reform agendas, as it is the best ‘gift’ that they can offer to the country, regardless of what will happen to the coalition. It is no easy task, and the ruling coalition needs to open their doors to citizens to get involved and lend their hand. At the same time, civil society organisations need to also pull themselves together and play their roles in pushing for the reforms needed.
Terror threat
2018 also reminded us that the threat of violent extremism in the Southeast Asia region has always been and still is, very real.
The biggest attack that occurred this year was the Surabaya bombings in May (just days after Malaysia’s GE14). The attack that occurred in Indonesia’s second largest city took place at three churches – Gereja Katolik Santa Maria, Gereja Kristen Indonesia, and Gereja Pantekosta Pusat Surabaya – with a fourth bomb detonated at an apartment complex in Sidoarjo and another at the Surabaya Police Headquarters. It was reported that the attacks took more than 20 lives and left around 50 people injured.
These series of attacks were the biggest incident of terrorist attacks in Indonesia since the Bali bombing in 2002. Most importantly, the perpetrators were families, which included women and children. Before this incident, we viewed women and children solely as victims of violent extremism, but it is clear that they, too, can be agents of terrorist attacks. This poses a new complication when dealing with violent extremism, and new approaches to Preventing/Countering Violent Extremism (P/CVE) are highly needed.
The fall of the so-called Islamic State militant group in Iraq and Syria also posed a new threat to this region, with the returning of local combatants, as well as the coming of foreign terrorist fighters into our borders.
As of now, eight Malaysian returnees have been arrested by the authorities, and the Royal Malaysian Police have been hard at work arresting foreign terrorist fighters found in the country in a series of raids. This shows that the flow of movements among the terror network in and out of our border is rampant.
There were also plans to conduct attacks on our soil, one of them allegedly on civilians during the May general election. The attempt was successfully foiled by the police; however, the big question remains: is Malaysia prepared for the worst-case scenario of a successful attack on our soil?
As iterated by the IMAN team, the country desperately needs a National Action Plan on P/CVE to prepare all stakeholders, as well as citizens, for the present and future challenges on violent extremism.
In Sabah, 2018 has showed the resurgence of kidnapping incidents in its waters, and as I write this, there have been even more incidences. As the last kidnapping that occurred in Sabah was in 2016, the recurrence of this activity poses a renewed threat on our maritime borders. It is undeniable that the Eastern Sabah Security Command (ESSCOM) has performed sufficiently in patrolling our waters, but more collaboration with the local communities is needed to enhance security in that region. Engagements with the locals, as well as the irregular migrants, can boost intel-gathering that is crucial in monitoring the movements of people. Other initiatives also need to be taken into consideration, apart from the ongoing curfew. The sea is a major source of income for the local communities, thus restricting access to it will have a direct impact to their livelihood.
Moving Forward
Recently, our Prime Minister commented on the changing demographics of Malaysia, saying that this multiracial country should not have too many races, and the influx of foreign workers has “made the the country’s ethnic make-up a confusing one.”
Although it is true that these changes do pose some security concerns, the fact is that they are inevitable, and the country will become increasingly more diverse in the years to come. (In a report by the World Economic Forum on patterns of migration, Malaysia is in the top 25 destination for international migration, and the country is also increasingly becoming new centers of international migration growth): The only way for us to deal with the new complexity is to adopt policies and provide platforms that are as complex as the challenges that are coming.
The best thing about the New Malaysia, in spite of its shortcomings, is that we finally have the long-awaited opportunity to push for the reforms that are highly needed for the country and its citizens to do better – socially, politically, and economically. But democracy is not about the winning team bulldozing to get what they want. It’s about bringing everyone to the negotiation table, and making compromises. It’s about making sure that everyone is being heard. It is messy, slow, and inefficient, yet every other means to govern a diverse country without victimising certain groups of people, mostly the havenots, have failed.
We need to collectively put all our efforts on this, to not miss on this once-in-a-lifetime golden opportunity.
IMAN Research is a think tank based in Kuala Lumpur, focusing on society, religion and perception. Its main focus is on countering violent extremism (CVE). Badrul Hisham Ismail is its Programme Director.