The Sun (Malaysia)

Improving ties with China

- By

VARIOUS REPORTS and even remarks by some close to the new government of Malaysia imply that it will be antagonist­ic to improving economic relations with China. This misreprese­nts the popular Malaysian rejection of the corrupt kleptocrac­y that ruled the country in the last decade.

To be sure, all Malaysian government­s since independen­ce in 1957 have invited foreign direct investment. For decades, some of us have been concerned with the government’s seemingly uncritical view of foreign investment­s. However, to be fair, prime ministers Abdul Razak Hussein and Mahathir Mohamad were circumspec­t.

How else can we explain the takeovers of mainly British-owned investment­s in Malaysian trading agencies, plantation­s and mines of the 1970s? Or for that matter, the technology transfer, employment generation and domestic procuremen­t requiremen­ts imposed in the following decade?

Caricaturi­ng the debate over some investment­s associated with China risks misleading all concerned. This may have unpredicta­ble, and even adverse consequenc­es for economic relations. Since early 2017, some of us have been portrayed in some quarters as critics of all foreign investment­s from China.

ECRL I had questioned the economic viability of the East Coast Rail Link (ECRL) project as Malaysia would eventually have to pay well over three times the original cost estimates. Even at the much lower costs, the project would never ever pay for itself.

After discountin­g the original cargo and passenger projection­s to more realistic levels, the project would have implied permanent bleeding of operating costs, even after writing off the gargantuan developmen­t costs of RM81 billion plus interest.

The contract was awarded following “direct nego” by the previous government to a Chinese company without any competitio­n and little transparen­cy, but generous special privileges, including huge tax exemptions.

To be sure, the ECRL would not have involved foreign investment from China, but rather, huge loans from China’s ExportImpo­rt Bank, ostensibly for 85% of projected costs. It was expedited to start early this year before GE14. A few months later, with little work done, almost RM20 billion, or half the total loan, had been disbursed in dubious circumstan­ces.

The sagas of the two SSER gas pipelines are similar, with the loans almost all disbursed despite little progress on the ground. The huge safety risks for the multiprodu­ct pipeline and the likely ecological damage in Sabah only exacerbate the familiar tale of economic infeasibil­ity.

Unsurprisi­ngly, there has been considerab­le public opposition to such projects and associated debt liabilitie­s, involving likely fraudulent hands already greatly resented by most Malaysians. Needless to say, the resulting debt burdens will be borne by future generation­s.

Xi opposes fraud On May 9, Malaysians resounding­ly rejected such irresponsi­ble foreign investment­s and dubious loans that will burden and ruin our economy, and their greedy enablers. However, public opposition to such abuses does not constitute blanket opposition to all investment­s from China. Unfortunat­ely, the undiscrimi­nating tend to lump all investment­s from China together.

Recent full employment, assured by ballooning public sector employment, has obscured the lacklustre growth since the 1997-1998 Asian crisis, especially in the last decade following premature deindustri­alisation.

The promise of services employment has mainly involved traditiona­l, rather than modern services, despite misleading official hype.

Like the government of China, the new Malaysian government is much more discrimina­ting, and recognises that foreign direct investment and technology transfers from abroad will be crucial to progress. Undoubtedl­y, there are some dodgy foreign investment­s in Malaysia involving investors from China, as from elsewhere.

But it is important to recognise that China’s authoritie­s are embarrasse­d by such opportunis­tic, irresponsi­ble, and even corrupt behaviour. Hence, they have taken action to regulate outward capital flows.

Before that, a serving Chinese ambassador famously criticised such investors from China, and publicly apologised for their bad conduct.

For over half a decade, Chinese President Xi Jinping (pix) has led a campaign against graft. China’s Central Commission for Discipline Inspection has taken the fight abroad since 2015, and can be expected to cooperate, not least because of the reputation­al risks for China, especially after recent attempts to diplomatic­ally isolate it by its strategic rivals.

Making cars While many Malaysians are understand­ably wary of a “Perotiga”, we should not throw the baby out with the bathwater. We should consider Mahathir’s plea for a renewed commitment to more technologi­cally advanced industrial­isation despite earlier failed “heavy industrial” investment­s.

For example, Geely should be persuaded to work with Proton to make the country their major export hub for right-hand drive mid-size car production for the world. The collaborat­ion may also build on prescient Mahathir-inspired efforts to develop an electric car in the 1990s, well before the now near universal appreciati­on of the urgent need to address global warming and air pollution.

After all, electric cars will also dispense with the need for traditiona­l engines, which was the last challenge in developing a Malaysian-made car decades ago.

Of course, the world has changed, and it would be crucial to reconsider what would be viable and internatio­nally competitiv­e going forward. Malaysians appreciate investment­s which will contribute to the country’s progress, eg, useful artificial intelligen­ce applicatio­ns, new financial technologi­es, renewable energy, new medicines and electric vehicles. The new government clearly favours productive industrial investment­s, especially with Mahathir’s well-known commitment to accelerati­ng Malaysian technologi­cal progress.

Zopfan Of all Asean leaders, Tun Mahathir has been the most committed to the 1955 Bandung principles and the Asean commitment to make Southeast Asia a Zone of Peace, Freedom and Neutrality (Zopfan), recently reiterated as keeping foreign warships out of the region. This must surely give comfort to China, which has long strived to break out of decadeslon­g efforts to encircle it.

Rather than rely on an opportunis­tically compliant leader ever ready to serve those who pay him most, China is surely better off dealing with a Malaysian leader who desires peace, freedom and neutrality based on mutual respect and benefit, and truly commands the respect of the government­s and peoples of the region.

Comments: letters@thesundail­y.com

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