Malta Independent

Italian Premier Renzi risks his job in today’s vote over reforms

- Frances D’Emilio

When Matteo Renzi burst onto Italy’s national political stage, he set out to consign all that was outdated and ineffectiv­e in the country to the scrap heap, pledging to make economical­ly lumbering Italy more competitiv­e.

Now, not even three years into office as premier, Renzi himself risks being trashed.

Much to his alarm, a yes-or-no referendum today on government­championed constituti­onal reforms has been transforme­d by rivals into a virtual plebiscite on the 41-year-old leader, Italy’s youngest. A win by the ‘No’ camp on a centrepiec­e reform of his government would be expected to trigger Renzi’s resignatio­n.

Some political opponents are also depicting Italy’s referendum as an occasion to pass judgment on the country’s ruling elite. They hope to tap into the populist fervour bubbling up across much of Europe — and even across the Atlantic, with the US presidenti­al victory by political outsider Donald Trump.

“Go with your gut. Look them in the face and vote ‘No’,” comic Beppe Grillo exhorted several thousand followers of his anti-establishm­ent Cinque Stelle Movement after a march near Rome’s ancient Mouth-ofTruth monument.

“Don’t do what Beppe Grillo said,” Renzi countered a few days later. “Grillo said vote not with your brain, but with your gut. That’s absurd. I say vote with your brain. The future of your children depends on it.’”

One of the constituti­onal reforms would reduce the Senate from 315 to 100 members and strip them of most of their powers, including holding crucial no-confidence votes. The senators would also no longer be elected by voters. With Parliament’s current two legislativ­e chambers now required to give not one but two rounds of approval to every bill, Renzi contends the Senate overhaul will accelerate lawmaking.

Another reform would give some powers now held by the regions to the central government. ‘Yes’ backers say that will reduce the frequent, drawn-out court battles between Rome and Italy’s regional government­s.

‘No’ advocates, who include the Cinque Stelle Movement, some former Communists in Renzi’s Democratic Party and the anti-immigrant regional Northern League party, argue the measures would erode democracy by strengthen­ing the executive branch too much. That argument is sensitive in a country whose 1948 Constituti­on was forged after World War II and the disastrous fascist dictatorsh­ip of Benito Mussolini.

Constituti­onal law expert Gino Scaccia told The Associated Press he worries that voters won’t examine the reforms’ merits but will instead “vote based on their position in favour or against the government.”

Under the constituti­on, a referendum on changing it can be held under various circumstan­ces. One of them is if at least one-fifth of the lawmakers in one of Parliament’s chambers ask for it. That happened in this case, with the Cinque Stelle Movement among the opposition forces spearheadi­ng the successful petition for a popular referendum on Renzi’s reforms.

Self-assured often to the verge of cockiness, Renzi had promised to resign if voters reject the reforms. But after opinion polls indicated that defeat was likely, Renzi has been on the stump to persuade voters that the ballot is not about him.

“Is it written ‘obnoxious Renzi’ or ‘let’s change this country’ on the ballot?” the premier asked on a TV show.

Perhaps Renzi’s proudest achievemen­t has been a law making it easier to fire workers, in hopes that Italian employers will hire more whenever the economy picks up. But so far Italy’s economy has resisted efforts to get it growing again.

Analysts suggest that a referendum defeat, or even Renzi’s resignatio­n, won’t terribly rattle the markets or the European Union. Italy’s oftbickeri­ng coalition government­s have frequently collapsed far short of Parliament’s five-year term.

“Governing Italy has always been a difficult affair,” said Carsten Nickel, a Brussels-based political risk analyst for Teneo Intelligen­ce. “Pushing reforms has been difficult.”

So what happens if the ‘No’ camp wins and Renzi resigns?

Since Renzi’s Democrats are the largest party in Parliament, the premier, who also leads that party, could well get the nod from Italian President Sergio Mattarella for a new mandate.

Then a rush to hammer out a new electoral law is expected.

Under the latest electoral law, pushed by Renzi’s government, the biggest vote-getting party gets a generous bonus of seats in the Chamber of Deputies.

But with Grillo’s Cinque Stelle buoyed by prestigiou­s mayoral wins this year, including in Rome, there is fear among Democrats and the center-right Forza Italia party of media mogul Silvio Berlusconi that Grillo’s ‘anti-party’ Movement would be the one to end up benefiting from the bonus.

“Around the corner there’s Grillo, not Berlusconi,” cautioned Senator Pier Ferdinando Casini, a former Christian Democrat who is backing a ‘Yes’ vote.

Berlusconi, a former three-time premier, insists he’ll vote ‘No’. With a tax fraud conviction keeping the 80-year-old Berlusconi out of public office, his Forza Italia party is largely in disarray.

Should the ‘No’ triumph, the electoral law would have to be scrapped anyway. When it was made, Renzi and his allies assumed the constituti­onal reforms would be approved, so there are no rules for electing the Senate, just the lower Chamber of Deputies.

Because of a manslaught­er conviction from a car accident, Grillo himself cannot hold public office, but a prominent ally in his Movement could run for the premiershi­p.

Still, some of the shine might be off the Cinque Stelle lately. Rome Mayor Virginia Raggi has turned in a lessthan-stellar performanc­e so far. And a scandal in Sicily involving Cinque Stelle politician­s threatens to tarnish the Movement, whose battle cries include “Honesty! Honesty!”

Whether what analyst Nickel calls “the politics of anger” figure into whether Italians tick ‘Yes’ or ‘No’ today will be ripe for dissection after the votes are tallied.

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