Malta Independent

Power does not corrupt men; fools in power corrupt power

According to British politician Lord Acton, “Power corrupts; but absolute power corrupts absolutely”. This theory discourage­s honest people from taking positions where they can leave a positive effect. A different line of thought is expressed by one of th

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Power does not corrupt but the fear of losing it makes fools in power corrupt it. Honest people do not corrupt power, in fact they ensure that power is not corrupted. Nations deserve honest government­s.

Corruption of power is unethical and dishonest, often used to acquire personal benefit by who those entrusted with a position of authority. It undermines legitimacy. Corruption, especially in a public position, hits a nation negatively. Corruption and lack of transparen­cy are friends of a feather. Lack of transparen­cy should never be a Government’s system. With transparen­cy and good governance, power cannot be corrupted. People lose trust in a government that lacks transparen­cy. The more important and the higher the position one occupies the more society’s demands for moral authority and character increase.

Joseph Muscat, before the 2013 election correctly declared that “who does not fight corruption when in power, will himself be corrupt”. Muscat also rightly noted that “Corruption is another tax on the consumer and it is the Maltese families who fork the money to make up for corruption”. But, as the saying goes “The road to hell is paved with good intentions”. Since March 2013, Malta has been inundated with scandals – even within the walls of the seat of power, Castille. Some scandals stink of corruption.

Corruption undermines democracy

Corruption undermines democracy and good governance. The “selling” of public land at a price below its commercial value, or the withdrawal of legal procedures instituted by a previous administra­tion against a company and then reimbursin­g the company’s owners, or agreeing to give land ‘outside developmen­t zone’ to a speculator during a meeting lasting only a few minutes are a few examples of scandals that stink of corruption.

Nepotism (favouring relatives) and cronyism (favouring friends) are forms of corruption since preferenti­al treatment is given to relatives and friends regardless of merit and qualificat­ions – diametrica­lly opposed to meritocrac­y. Malta is being swamped with instances of such persons getting employment or receiving promotions or favours.

Apart from adversely affecting the nation, corruption hits the honest taxpayer hard. As Muscat correctly stated before the election “corruption is another tax on the consumer and it is the Maltese families who fork the money to make up for corruption”. Higher direct or indirect taxes could make up for corruption thus robbing the taxpayer of hard-earned income. Corruption also unfavourab­ly effects those sacrificin­g themselves and working hard for an appointmen­t or promotion which is eventually handed to a “friend” without due considerat­ion to merit or qualificat­ions.

Muscat and corruption in the 80s

In September 1998, writing in The Malta Independen­t when he was Deputy Chairman of the Labour Youth Forum and executive member of the then Malta Labour Party (now Partit Laburista), Joseph Muscat strongly criticised Labour’s actions of the 80s.

To substantia­te what he perceived as Labour’s “unhealthy image” then, Muscat quoted what he referred to as “facts”. He mentioned monetary gifts paid to unmentione­d persons to purchase a colour TV. He remarked it was “quite curious how certain permits and licenses were issued”. Muscat expressed disappoint­ment that certain people (again unmentione­d) did not only distinguis­h between Labourites and Nationalis­ts but also between Labourites depending on their electoral district.

Muscat wrote about the “bulkbuying system” and how imported chocolates were some of the most smuggled items in Malta. Also, Muscat referred to the fact that the name of the then Leader of the Opposition was not permitted to be mentioned on the State-owned media, and mentioned “violent elements who thought they had all the power in their hands” and who, according to Muscat, surrounded Labour.

Referring to the violent elements, Muscat mentioned the mob attacks on the house of the Leader of the Opposition, Progress Press and the Curia, saying that these “were almost justified”. Again, Muscat failed to mention who he claimed “almost justified” these attacks. In his list, Muscat included the gerrymande­red districts (referring to the election of 1981) when the party obtaining the majority of votes (PN) obtained a minority of parliament­ary seats.

Muscat declared that, at the time of writing (1998), Labour was signalling that it left behind for good the unhealthy past of the 80s. He concluded that “Labour cannot afford to revert to the style, tactics and people which in the past have made it one of the most morally, physically and ideologica­lly corrupt parties which our country ever had.”

Muscat: Labour leader and PM

Ten years after his article, Muscat was elected Labour Leader and, five years later, Prime Minister. Before the 2013 election, he vociferous­ly declared a fight against corruption and that Malta would not belong to a party or to a clique. He promised Malta would belong to all of us. One expected Muscat not to follow the style and tactics of Labour of the 80s that he strongly criticised. Actions speak louder than words. A big difference exists between what one says before an election and when one is elected.

No sooner had Muscat assumed the leadership of the country that Labour’s electoral manifesto started being partially discarded, whilst some of Muscat’s promises began to evaporate and scandals started sprouting. The promise that “one may not agree with us but one can work with us” was immediatel­y thrown out of the windows of Castille when all Permanent Secretarie­s were requested to tender their resignatio­n, followed by hundreds of vindictive transfers – a clear indication of what was to be expected during the Labour administra­tion.

Nepotism and cronyism became the order of the day. The “friends of friends” and those whose smiling faces were strewn on Labour’s electoral billboards throughout Malta were and are still being compensate­d with appointmen­ts worth thousands of euros. The necessary credential­s, replacing merit and qualificat­ions, were appointees’ contributi­on towards Labour’s victory. Meritocrac­y was abandoned, distinguis­hing even between Labourites, something Muscat claimed happened in the 80s and which he strongly criticised.

Since March 2013, nepotism, cronyism and other more serious scandals – some of them stinking of corruption – have become synonymous with the Labour Government. The number of scandals and alleged corruption that have been taking place in the past four years violated trust and damaged the taxpayer. Following close on the heels of a 10-place drop in the corruption index published recently by Transparen­cy Internatio­nal, a local newspaper has just announced the results of a survey indicating that concern on corruption in Malta has reached an all-time high.

Malta will not be destroyed by those who are immersing themselves in corruption and scandals but by whoever does not act to eradicate the corruption of power, particular­ly those in a position, and therefore duty bound to do so. Those who should act but, for some reason, declines will be abetting those who are corrupting power. Fools who corrupt power must be defeated.

The 80s and after March 2013

Comparison­s are odious. Muscat strongly accused the Labour of the 80s and promised that a “new” Labour signalled leaving behind the unhealthy past. As Labour leader, before being elected Prime Minister, Muscat promised, amongst other promises, that a Labour Government would look after the taxpayers’ finances with responsibi­lity, guided by the values of good governance, accountabi­lity, transparen­cy and social justice. He declared a fight against corruption.

Since 2013 we have been witnessing power being corrupted through bad governance, lack of accountabi­lity and of transparen­cy, cronies being given positions of trust, and scandals making the headlines regularly. Muscat’s moral responsibi­lity came into doubt after he kept two of his closest colleagues who opened secret companies in Panama just days after taking the oath of office in place.

When comparing the Labour of the 80s, harshly criticised by Muscat, with the last four years, one can conclude which period was worse. Muscat’s accusation­s in 1998 about the MLP of the 80s, and some promises made by him before March 2013 are not even worth the paper they were written on.

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 ??  ?? Alfred Mangion
Alfred Mangion

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