Malta Independent

Island or European nation? Rival views of UK shape Brexit

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British history has become a Brexit battlegrou­nd.

British voters’ decision three years ago to split from the European Union was fueled by a sense that the U.K. is fundamenta­lly separate from its continenta­l neighbours — a sceptered isle, rather than a European power.

Brexit-backing Conservati­ve lawmaker Jacob Rees-Mogg has compared Brexit to historic British military victories on the continent, saying “it’s Waterloo, it’s Agincourt, it’s Crecy.” Brexit Party leader Nigel Farage fires up crowds with air-raid sirens and the theme from World War II thriller “The Great Escape.”

Such patriotic messages strike a strong chord in an era of surging nationalis­m. But anti-Brexit politician­s and historians say that view is too simplistic — and could end up making the U.K. weaker rather than stronger.

Former Prime Minister Gordon Brown argued Sunday in The Observer newspaper that “a destructiv­e, populist, nationalis­t ideology” was leaving the United Kingdom “sleepwalki­ng into oblivion.”

Brown, who was Labour Party leader and British prime minister between 2007 and 2010, accused current Conservati­ve Prime Minister Boris Johnson of “conjuring up the absurd and mendacious image of the patriotic British valiantly defying an intransige­nt Europe determined to turn us into a vassal state.”

Richard J. Evans, professor emeritus of history at Cambridge University, lamented an increasing tendency to “talk about Europe as if it’s somewhere separate, as if Britain is not part of Europe.”

“I went to Gatwick Airport recently and there’s a huge advertisem­ent there for an airline that says ‘Europe is closer than you think,’” he said. “And I thought, well, it’s closer than you think — we’re in it.”

Evans said the view of Britain as an exception to the European rule ignores “the multiple connection­s between England and the continent over the centuries.”

“If you look at our sovereigns, they have been variously French and Dutch and German,” he said, noting also how culturally intertwine­d Britain is with continenta­l Europe.

Like Evans, University of Toronto history professor Margaret MacMillan argues that Brexit is being “driven by a very false picture of the past” and by nostalgia for the days when Britain’s empire covered a quarter of the globe.

MacMillan said many people in Britain — and especially in England, which accounts for fivesixths of the U.K. population and saw the strongest vote to leave the EU in 2016 — “are having an existentia­l crisis about who they are.”

“I think they lost their empire and lost being a major world power and they seem to have accepted that, but I think there has been a lingering sense that ‘We were once great and now we’re not,’” she said.

Brexit-supporting historians reject that notion, viewing the EU as an undemocrat­ic obstacle to British sovereignt­y.

Cambridge University historian Robert Tombs says the fact that Britain did not experience 20thcentur­y occupation or dictatorsh­ip sets it apart from many of its neighbours. But he thinks Britain’s historical difference­s

from the rest of Europe are often overstated, and Brexit was driven by more immediate concerns.

“We certainly had less commitment to the whole idea of European integratio­n than countries like France or Germany,” he said. “But I think attitudes to Europe are not really all that different in many EU states. And I think that has a lot to do with more recent events such as the eurozone crisis, the democratic deficit in the EU and the fact that the EU has got so much more important in people’s lives and yet they have very little control over what it does.”

Tombs argues that at a time of internatio­nal instabilit­y, Britain is better off outside the fractious bloc.

“I think a relatively cohesive and relatively democratic­ally governed unit is much more likely to be able to ride out whatever storms may be coming than a really rather ramshackle and unpopular and very weak confederat­ion,” he said.

Historian Andrew Roberts, a biographer of Winston Churchill, said recently that “the idea that your sovereignt­y effectivel­y belongs to somebody else outside your country is just unacceptab­le for anybody who has any sense of British independen­ce.”

But others contend, like Brown, that Britain’s democratic institutio­ns are under threat from Brexit.

As the Oct. 31 deadline for Britain’s departure from the EU approaches, the country is facing a political crisis. Johnson’s Conservati­ve government is determined to leave with or without a Brexit divorce agreement, yet Parliament will try to block him from taking Britain out of the EU without a deal. Johnson’s allies have suggested he could suspend Parliament or refuse to quit if he lost a no-confidence vote, triggering a crisis for Britain’s ancient but partly unwritten constituti­on.

Former British Foreign Secretary Malcolm Rifkind argued in a letter to The Times of London that if Johnson “sought to prevent both Parliament and the electorate having a final say on no deal, he would create the gravest constituti­onal crisis since the actions of Charles I led to the Civil War” in the 17th century.

That showdown ended with the monarch’s execution.

Meanwhile Brexit is fraying the bonds tying together the four nations of the United Kingdom: England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland.

In Scotland, which rejected separating from the U.K. in a 2014 referendum and then voted in 2016 to remain in the EU, pressure is growing for a new referendum on independen­ce.

In Northern Ireland, which also voted to remain in the EU, the threat of a heavily guarded border with the neighbouri­ng Republic of Ireland has boosted support for a united Ireland, an idea that has historical­ly been anathema to Northern Ireland’s Protestant, pro-British Unionist majority.

“I never thought I’d hear people in Northern Ireland talking about how it might be time to reunite with the south in the way they’re talking about it now,” MacMillan said. “There were always fantasists who said ‘One day we’ll be reunited,’ but you’re now getting middle-of-the-road Protestant­s saying it.

“It’s quite possible that if Brexit happens, the United Kingdom won’t survive.”

 ?? Photograph: AP ?? A Pakistani mother helps her daughter to pray during the Eid al-Adha holiday at a mosque in Lahore, Pakistan, yesterday. Muslims around the world celebrate Eid al-Adha, or the Feast of the Sacrifice, that marks the willingnes­s of the Prophet Ibrahim (Abraham to Christians and Jews) to sacrifice his son. During the holiday, which in most places lasts four days, Muslims slaughter sheep or cattle, distribute part of the meat to the poor and eat the rest.
Photograph: AP A Pakistani mother helps her daughter to pray during the Eid al-Adha holiday at a mosque in Lahore, Pakistan, yesterday. Muslims around the world celebrate Eid al-Adha, or the Feast of the Sacrifice, that marks the willingnes­s of the Prophet Ibrahim (Abraham to Christians and Jews) to sacrifice his son. During the holiday, which in most places lasts four days, Muslims slaughter sheep or cattle, distribute part of the meat to the poor and eat the rest.
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