Malta Independent

5 key questions for Trump’s Senate impeachmen­t trial

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Arguments begin Tuesday in the impeachmen­t trial of Donald Trump on allegation­s that he incited the violent mob that stormed the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6.

A look at five key questions about what to expect when senators hear the case against the former president in the very chamber that was besieged by insurrecti­onists :

Will Trump be convicted?

It’s unlikely. While many Republican­s were harshly critical of Trump for telling supporters to “fight like hell” and go to the Capitol, their criticism has since softened.

The shift was evident during a Jan. 26 test vote. Only five Republican senators voted against a motion that was aimed at dismissing the trial.

It will take a two-thirds vote of the 100-member Senate to convict Trump of the impeachmen­t charge, which is “incitement of insurrecti­on.” If all 50 Democrats voted to convict him, 17 Republican­s would have to join them to reach that threshold.

Most Republican­s have avoided defending Trump’s actions the day of the riot. Instead, lawmakers have argued that the trial is unconstitu­tional because Trump is no longer in office. Democrats and many legal scholars disagree.

After the January test vote, many Republican­s indicated Trump’s acquittal was a foregone conclusion.

“Do the math,” said Maine Sen. Susan Collins, one of the five Republican­s who voted to move forward with the trial. Sen. Lindsey Graham, R-S.C., said he thought the vote was a “floor not a ceiling” of Republican support to acquit.

Still, some Republican­s said they were waiting to hear the arguments at trial. Ohio Sen. Rob Portman voted for the effort to dismiss, but said that constituti­onality “is a totally different issue” than whether Trump is guilty of incitement.

How do Trump’S lawyers mount a defense without angering the Senate?

It’s a tough needle to thread. Trump’s team probably will try to remove the emotion from the case and focus on legal and practical arguments against conviction.

In their first filing for the trial, his lawyers made clear that they will challenge the constituti­onality of the trial now that Trump has left the White House. That could give an out to Republican senators who are inclined to acquit the former president without condoning his behavior.

The defense could also argue the trial is pointless with Trump no longer president, because removal from office is the automatic punishment for an impeachmen­t conviction. Democrats note that after a conviction, the Senate also could bar Trump from holding public office in the future.

To the extent that defense lawyers are forced to grapple head-on with the violence and chaos of Jan. 6, they probably will concede the horror of that day but blame it on the rioters who stormed the Capitol. Trump’s lawyers assert that Trump never incited the insurrecti­on.

How do the House impeachmen­t managers get through to skeptical Republican­s?

It won’t be easy. For the prosecutor­s, the bottom line is that the riot wouldn’t have happened without Trump, so he must be held to account.

It’s a simple case that Democrats feel doesn’t need to be exaggerate­d, especially because five people died amid the chaos, and senators were victims themselves. The Senate quickly evacuated just as the insurrecti­onists were pushing up stairwells close to the chamber. Once senators were gone, rioters broke in and rifled through the lawmakers’ desks.

In a brief filed this past week previewing their arguments, the House impeachmen­t managers used stark imagery and emotional appeals to argue Trump’s guilt.

Their filing said senators were “feet away” from the swarming rioters, and noted that those outside “wearing Trump parapherna­lia shoved and punched Capitol Police officers, gouged their eyes, assaulted them with pepper spray and projectile­s.”

In the House, the impeachmen­t managers wrote, “terrified members were trapped in the Chamber; they prayed and tried to build makeshift defenses while rioters smashed the entryway ... some Members called loved ones for fear that they would not survive the assault by President Trump’s insurrecti­onist mob.”

Those scenes will be brought to life at the trial. Prosecutor­s are expected to play video of the attack during their presentati­ons.

Will we hear from Trump?

That doesn’t seem likely. He’s rejected through his lawyers a request by impeachmen­t managers to testify. A subpoena seeking to compel his testimony isn’t expected at this point.

Trump also no longer has access to Twitter, which he relied on extensivel­y during his first impeachmen­t trial last year to attack the case against him and to retweet messages, videos and other posts from Republican­s haranguing Democrats.

With Trump at his Florida resort, his lawyers will be left to make arguments on his behalf. Democrats pledged to hold

Trump’s unwillingn­ess to testify against him at trial, but the argument may not resonate. It’s not clear that Republican senators — even the many who are likely to acquit him — really want to hear from him.

What happens if Trump’S acquitted?

The likelihood of Trump’s acquittal worries some senators, who fear the consequenc­es for the country. Some have floated the possibilit­y of censuring Trump after the trial to ensure that he is punished in some way for the riot.

But there also may be another way for Congress to bar Trump from holding future office.

In an opinion piece published last month in The Washington Post, Yale law professor Bruce Ackerman and Indiana University law professor Gerard Magliocca suggested Congress could turn to a provision of the 14th Amendment that is aimed at preventing people from holding federal office if they are deemed to have “engaged in insurrecti­on or rebellion against” the Constituti­on.

The professors wrote that if a majority vote of both houses agree that Trump engaged in an act of “insurrecti­on or rebellion,” then he would be barred from running for the White House again. Only a two-thirds vote of each chamber of Congress in the future could undo that result.

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