The Malta Independent on Sunday

Constituti­onal Convention: upsetting the apple-cart

A Constituti­onal Convention is long overdue.

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It has been on the public agenda for years. Over the years, Malta’s Constituti­on has been patched up several times in order to resolve political issues arising at that particular point in time. It is about time that the Constituti­on is considered in its entirety in order to ensure that it serves the needs of the nation now and in the foreseeabl­e future. An overhaul would certainly be in order.

One major issue which, in my view, needs to be addressed is the curtailing of the executive’s power over the compositio­n, set-up and running of authoritie­s and institutio­ns so that these can begin functionin­g properly. Rather than the executive ceding power, as Minister Owen Bonnici stated recently when piloting the debate on the Bill that seeks to introduce limited screening of public appointmen­ts, it means that Parliament should rediscover its proper functions and claim back its authority.

This is the basic flaw in Malta’s Constituti­onal set-up. Malta is described as a Parliament­ary democracy and, on paper, Parliament does have the power to decide but, over the years, it has been reluctant to upset the current balance of power that favours Cabinet over Parliament. Unless and until there is a will to address this, no headway can is exercised in these islands.

The basic Constituti­onal setup underpinni­ng the 1964 Constituti­on, notwithsta­nding the multitude of changes carried out throughout the years – including the 1974 change from a Constituti­onal Monarchy to a Republic, is still substantia­lly in place. On Independen­ce, in 1964, most of the powers of the British sovereign, then exercised through the Governor, were handed over to the Prime Minister, subject to the theoretica­l oversight of Parliament. For over 50 years, Parliament has been reluctant to upset the apple-cart and no Prime Minister has ever had the courage to propose the curtailmen­t of his own powers and the handing of them over completely to Parliament, which is where they belong in a Parliament­ary democracy. Nor has Parliament ever taken the initiative: its compositio­n prevents it from acting in such a manner.

The current large size of the Cabinet, coupled with the nomination of backbench MPs on the government side to various positions and sinecures, is a clear declaratio­n of intent. Keeping backbench MPs happy and occupied reduces the likelihood of them asking too many questions. This has been going on for some time: in fact the Gonzi administra­tion acted in a manner very similar to the current administra­tion in this respect.

This, in my view, is the crux of the whole issue which Parliament cannot and will not resolve on its own. It needs a vibrant civil society (not a fake one represente­d by a couple of non-entities) which can prod and guide it until it embarks on the path where real political power is channelled back to where it really belongs. This is the real reason why electoral reform has always been left on the back burner, as it is only through fair electoral reform that results in a different Parliament­ary format whereby Parliament can start to think outside the box in which it is currently restrained.

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