The Malta Independent on Sunday

Freedom of Informatio­n Act: out of the pan into the fire?

Freedom of informatio­n legislatio­n permits the mass media to access government held informatio­n.

- KEVIN AQUILINA Kevin Aquilina is Professor of Law at the Faculty of Laws, University of Malta

“As fifteen years have passed since its enactment, a legitimate question is whether it has ushered into Maltese politics an era of openness which renders the public administra­tion more accountabl­e and transparen­t in its workings.”

By ‘government held informatio­n', I do not mean informatio­n held only by Cabinet Ministers but also informatio­n by the public administra­tion at large, including the public service (that includes the civil service) and the public sector. The latter comprises public corporatio­ns, government companies, government foundation­s and other government entities.

In the case of Malta, the matter is dealt with by the Freedom of Informatio­n Act, Chapter 496 of the Laws of Malta, which allows certain persons, including the mass media, the right to divulge informatio­n which is normally kept secret by the state were it not for freedom of informatio­n legislatio­n which allows for the disseminat­ion of government held informatio­n in the public interest, especially where some sort of wrong doing is concerned. This law is thus an asset in the mass media's armory in the democratiz­ation of the institutio­ns of the state. Neverthele­ss, there are some deficienci­es in this law discussed below which do not allow the mass media to carry our effectivel­y – not to mention promptly – their fourth estate supervisor­y function of the public administra­tion to be fulfilled to the desired extent.

Although the law was enacted in 2008, it was only by means of Legal Notice 156 of 2012 published in The Malta Government Gazette of 18 May 2012 that the remaining provisions of the Freedom of Informatio­n Act, 2008 which had not yet been brought into force became law on 1st September 2012. 39 provisions out of 48, the vast majority, entered into force on that date. Indeed, it took nearly four years for the administra­tion to bring this mass media friendly law into force. One cannot but ask why all this lethargy in bringing the Freedom of Informatio­n Act into force?

Since September 2012, the fourth estate is now empowered to be more vigilant of Government's actions especially when Government tries to hide embarrassi­ng decisions from the public and the media. The culture of secrecy, very much prevalent till today and even after the entry into force of the Freedom of Informatio­n Act should have, one should have thought, started to be dismantled. The procrastin­ation of the public administra­tion to see the Freedom of Informatio­n Act coming into force is very much evident by the fact that this law was enacted on 19 December 2008 and has taken roughly three years and eight months to see the light of day. Between 19 December 2008 and 31August 2012 it was nothing more and nothing less than a dead letter for the mass media as the latter could not seek, let alone obtain, as of right, informatio­n under this enactment.

As fifteen years have passed since its enactment, a legitimate question is whether it has ushered into Maltese politics an era of openness which renders the public administra­tion more accountabl­e and transparen­t in its workings. This has not been the case even though the mass media have and continue to exploit the law to the full. Evidence of this are the various learned Freedom of Informatio­n Act judgments delivered by Mr Justice Wenzu Mintoff where the court has invariably found in favour of the mass media and against the public administra­tion.

Although one should celebrate 1st September 2012 as Freedom of Informatio­n Day, this does not mean that one should be content with this law. This is because the law sets up various hurdles to make it difficult and, at certain times impossible, for the citizens, the local mass media and foreign bona fide journalist­s to arrive at the truth. In the meantime, the public administra­tion's working will continue to be shrouded in secrecy even in those cases where secrecy cannot – and should never – be necessaril­y justified. Let me refer to four restrictiv­e provisions of the law.

According to article 5(4) of the Freedom of Informatio­n Act, no Maltese citizen is entitled to apply to see documents held by: the Electoral Commission, the Employment Commission, the Public Service Commission, the Office of the Attorney General, the National Audit Office, the Security Service, the Ombudsman and the Broadcasti­ng Authority when the latter authority is exercising its constituti­onal function.

I see no reason why all the records of the Electoral Commission should not be available to public view when the political parties have a right to see all documents held by the Electoral Office in terms of article 10(3) of the General Elections Act, Chapter 354 of the Laws of Malta. It seems that there are some stakeholde­rs which are more equal than others! I do understand that there might be situations where these entities of the public administra­tion should have their records protected but not in the nature of a blanket prohibitio­n that would also cover innocuous informatio­n to the proper functionin­g of these institutio­ns.

According to article 3 of the Freedom of Informatio­n Act, it is only an ‘eligible person’ who has a right of access to public administra­tion held documents. In terms of article 2 of the Freedom of Informatio­n Act, an eligible person is defined as a person resident in Malta for a period of five years. Such resident can be a Maltese citizen or an EU citizen. But the five-year restrictio­n is another unwanted hurdle especially for EU citizens who might not necessaril­y be resident throughout that period in Malta. Take the case of a BBC reporter who is writing a story on Malta and needs government held informatio­n. The public administra­tion may refuse to disclose the informatio­n simply because the English journalist has not resided for the last five years in Malta. The only way for the English journalist to get hold of the required informatio­n through a Freedom of Informatio­n Act applicatio­n is by making arrangemen­ts with a Maltese or other EU citizen who has resided in Malta for the last five years.

Moreover, it is not clear in the law how do you count these five years. Take the case of a Maltese citizen who is working abroad or studying abroad or simply on holiday abroad. Is it five years before the freedom of informatio­n request is made? Have the five years to be uninterrup­ted? What happens if one goes abroad for a week? Does it mean that you must have resided in Malta for 5 years and one week to be considered that you are an eligible person? Or does it mean that the one week abroad interrupts the period of residence and thus one must start counting afresh? How does one prove that one has been resident in Malta for the last five years? Do you have to subscribe to an oath? Is an affidavit required? Do you need witnesses to testify that during the last five years you have resided in Malta?

Or does the public administra­tion simple presume that this is so if you happen to be a Maltese or an EU citizen?

The Prime Minister is empowered to overrule the Informatio­n and Data Protection Commission­er. If the Commission­er issues a decision or enforcemen­t notice of a decision to the effect that a document should be made available to an eligible person, the Prime Minister can annul the Commission­er's decision. This is wrong because if the public administra­tion disagrees with the Commission­er's decision or enforcemen­t notice, the public administra­tion should instead have a right of appeal before the Informatio­n and Data Protection Appeals Tribunal and not have recourse to its political master to bring the independen­t Data Protection Commission­er's ruling to naught without due process of law and where the Prime Minister has a political interest in the matter being the de facto head of the public administra­tion.

What has happened to the rule of law? The Prime Minister should not annul the Commission­er's decision as the Prime Minister is not an independen­t and impartial arbiter. He might want to conceal certain damaging informatio­n to the public administra­tion or to his government which should be disclosed in the public interest and gives instead irrelevant or general reasons not to divulge that informatio­n. In addition, the Tribunal is an independen­t and impartial Tribunal and it, not the Prime Minister, should be vested with determinin­g whether the document should or not be released. Powers like these are very much arbitrary, autocratic, and undesirabl­e in a democratic society and should always be reviewable by an independen­t and impartial tribunal establishe­d by law. This is however not the case under the Freedom of Informatio­n Act where the Commission­er loses all his independen­ce and becomes subservien­t to the Prime Minister's whims!

In this respect, the Prime Minister entertains a conflict of interest because once the Informatio­n and Data Protection Commission­er rules against the Prime Minister headed by, or responsibl­e to, none other than the Prime Minister, it is the Prime Minister who decides on his own cause. Yet it is a principle of natural justice that no person can be a judge in his own case as is the situation with the Prime Minister under the Freedom of Informatio­n Act. If the Prime Minister were to flip a coin the result would be: ‘Heads, I win; tails I win’ – the Prime Minister can never lose.

Finally, the Freedom of Informatio­n Act does not meet the high standards of the Council of Europe's European Convention on Access to Official Documents done at Tromsø on 18 June 2009 (Council of Europe Treaty Series No. 205 available at convention­s.coe.int/Treaty/Com mun/QueVoulez.asp?NT=205&C M=1&CL=ENG.), which is by far more data seeker friendly. Our law, on the contrary, is restrictiv­e and tries to protect as much as possible the public administra­tion from revealing informatio­n held by it.

That is why the Freedom of Informatio­n Act needs to be thoroughly and radically revised once it does not establish an adequate transparen­t regime of data access in a democratic society based on the rule of law. It is one of those enactments intended to embellish the statute book, to give the impression that journalist­s have access to government held informatio­n, when – as a matter of fact – this is not (and cannot be) the case under the current legal regime. But at least government can boast that Malta has a Freedom of Informatio­n Act even though it works out to be ineffectiv­e, unpractica­l, and useless in so far as abuse of power, maladminis­tration, and bad governance by the government are concerned. The Nationalis­t government must have considered this law as historic. I consider it to be in a total mess from a citizens’ rights perspectiv­e that aims to keep the government in check.

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