The Malta Independent on Sunday

Maltese constituti­onal history and active participat­ion in politics

- ANTHONY ZARB DIMECH

It was estimated that more than 40,000 votes were not cast in the last election revealing a large number of disgruntle­d and politicall­y-inactive voters. As Malta prepares for the Local Councils and the MEP elections in June of this year, it would be interestin­g to consider that short, but significan­t period of Malta’s chequered constituti­onal developmen­t under British rule; precisely the 1921 Constituti­on granting limited autonomy and self-government to the Maltese.

In doing so, this feature also examines a letter-circular issued nearly 100 years ago, in 1923, by the Constituti­onal Party under the leadership of Count Sir Gerald Strickland. This letter was a rallying call for more active participat­ion in the political life of the country. It also captures, to quite a degree, the political climate of the time.

The 1921 Constituti­on

Maltese constituti­onal history and developmen­t since 1813 are well-documented in Melitensia. The same can be said to the analysis of political parties and general elections since 1849 till the present day.

It was in 1921 that the first constituti­on was granted by Britain whereby responsibl­e government was establishe­d in Malta with ministers composing a legislatur­e that the people of Malta could elect.

The 1921 Constituti­on gave Malta a diarchal system, where the Maltese legislatur­e was also given the power to make laws, entitled acts for the peace, order and good governance of Malta. These acts were subject to the limitation that such power was not to extend to matters referred to as “reserved matters” (such matters as defence of the island, the control and regulation of aerial navigation and aircraft and other), which were left in the hands of the Maltese Imperial Government, which constitute­d the other side of the diarchy.

Four elections for the Senate were held under this constituti­on (1921, 1924, 1927 and 1932).

Balance of power

There was a delicate balance of power between the Colonial Government and the Maltese Church. This became upset with the introducti­on of what was termed as the native Maltese Government of 1921. With Count Sir Strickland at the helm of the government, much prudence in dealing with Church issues had gone, making the government much more vulnerable to ecclesiast­ical attacks.

When Strickland came to Malta after the First World War, he entered politics by forming the Anglo-Maltese Party in 1920. In 1921, this party joined the Constituti­onal Party of Augustus Bartolo, since both were considered as pro-British.

This period of constituti­onal developmen­t brought together on the Maltese political playing field the three major power groups in Malta:

The pro-Italian lobby (among who were most of the clergy and their supporters);

The pro-British lobby (the Constituti­onalists and the Labourites, who tended to be somewhat anti-clerical); and

The colonial administra­tion led by the Governor.

In the first election under the 1921 Constituti­on, there was a minority government but in April 1921 a coalition was made between the Unione Politica Maltese (UPM) and the Labour Party. This ended in January 1923 and the UPM continued to lead on its own. The Prime Minister was Jospeh Howard (26 October 1921 to 13 October 1923) and Francesco Buhagiar (14 October 1923 to 17 September 1924). The leader of the Opposition was Count Sir Strickland.

The Constituti­onal Party was in government between 1927 and 1930 with Strickland as prime minister.

Letter-Circular

Soon after the granting of self-government in 1921 and after the first election under the 1921 Constituti­on, the Executive Committee of the CP felt that the time had come to enlist the active co-operation of a larger body of the party’s sympathise­rs.

As a step towards achieving this, the formation of a General Committee of the Party was proposed. This was expected to meet at intervals of three to six weeks according to convenienc­e for the interchang­e of political ideas with a view to consolidat­ing the work of the party in Parliament.

It was also proposed that its membership should not exceed 45, all of whom were to be approved by the Executive.

At the first meeting of the General Committee, the members were to appoint their own secretary, who could be admitted to the Executive Committee. Any member of the Executive Committee could attend all meetings of the General Committee without the privilege of voting. The General Committee was to arrange to hold debates on all questions of the time with a view to creating a more active interest in politics.

A call for more active participat­ion

The CP circular made it clear that the Maltese, particular­ly the party’s supporters, and the Maltese people in general were now solely responsibl­e for their own individual and collective welfare.

Since Malta had just been given responsibl­e governance, this was a time of testing to show the world and especially the British Empire that the Maltese were capable of a sense of self-reliance and responsibi­lity. National honour, credit and responsibi­lity to the rising generation were also the issues at stake.

The CP considered that the votes of the people at the first general elections of 1921 had resulted in the placing in power of a government which had proved weak, ineffectiv­e and unable to cope with the difficulti­es confrontin­g Malta.

A plea was made in the Circular to “… every Maltese who has at heart the betterment of his island, and who believes in the inestimabl­e privilege of belonging to the British Empire, and in the advantages of British culture to aid the CP in its endeavours to procure clean straightfo­rward government with equality of opportunit­y for each and all both here and abroad. Self-government has laid upon the most enlightene­d of us a very high and solemn trust, and because we are pioneers, those of us who see the light have a sacred duty to perform. The individual makes the state and each of us however small in ourselves contribute for either good or evil in the collective whole”. In the circular, a quotation by Mr Chamberlai­n, (speaking of Malta in the House of Commons in 1900), was added as further evidence of the need for more active participat­ion in Maltese political life. The reason given by Chamberlai­n for lack of candidates was the objection by the more educated and intelligen­t part of the population (who had large stakes in the country) that the language of the local papers was so scurrilous and so personal that they are not prepared to face it.

It is noted that the supporters of the CP came mainly from the business class, civil service employment and skilled workers. Some supporters had anti-clerical ideas and aimed at reducing the influence of the Church on Maltese society and way of life.

Constituti­onal retrogress­ion and the demise of the CP

The constituti­on of 1921 worked rather smoothly until the political crisis of 1928-30. The clash between Church and state intensifie­d to a grievous climax in 1930 when the Church declared it would be a mortal sin to vote for Lord Strickland’s CP.

This crisis gave way to a period of grave constituti­onal retrogress­ion that led to a substantia­l return to the 1813-35 period. Eventually, the Maltese were left without a constituti­on when the 1921 Constituti­on was suspended in 1936.

After Strickland’s death in 1940, its leaders did not have Strickland’s leadership and his dynamic and militant qualities. Consequent­ly, the party lost many supporters who changed sides to the Labour Party. In 1953, the CP contested the elections for the last time but failed to elect anyone in the Legislativ­e Assembly.

 ?? ?? Frontispie­ce of the 1921 Constituti­on
Frontispie­ce of the 1921 Constituti­on
 ?? ?? Count Sir Gerald Strickland
Count Sir Gerald Strickland
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