How rare, Mr Bridges?

what is already a traumatic experience does not bear the hallmarks of a law that is just. It seems likely that, were men somehow confronted with the risk of that kind of humiliation, the situation would have been sorted out already. Even ardent pro-lifers must see the rank hypocrisy of the law.

In political terms, New Zealand’s abortion law may have worked for as long as it has because politicians were not willing to confront the issue.

If it was not going to be put to a vote, what does it matter which side of the debate a given MP is on?

Once again though, National may be forgetting that it lost power, and, with it, control over what is up for debate. Suddenly, which side you are on may become highly relevant.

While much of the political narrative may be dominated by unexpected events, from strikes to biosecurity incursions, Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern still gets to control a huge chunk of the agenda in 2018. If she decides abortion is a political issue up for debate, it is headline news.

If Bridges then takes the opposite stance to Ardern, it will dominate the news agenda for weeks, in a highly divisive way.

English managed his Catholic faith and the pressures of leading the country with surprisingly little trouble, even as he abandoned his opposition to gay marriage the day he became prime minister.

But National got its support well above 40 per cent not by lagging the country on social issues, but by being up to speed, under Sir John Key.

It was Key who allowed the National Party to catch up with New Zealand on physical discipline of children, by building a bridge with Labour to support anti-smacking legislation.

It was Key who made the legalisation of gay marriage inevitable by signalling early in the debate that he would be voting yes.

Although in a conscience vote he represented less than 1 per cent of MPS voting, his stance effectively sealed the fate of the legislation.

MPS who were on the fence were able to vote with the direction New Zealand at large was headed, protected by the fact that they were following the leader.

Combined with National’s narrative of prudent management of the economy in difficult times, Labour was left all at sea, because Key made it okay for urban women to support National.

So far, National’s support has held strong in Opposition, but this should not be taken for granted. Polls conducted by both Family First and the Abortion Law Reform Association found New Zealanders are broadly pro-choice. The issue will be vexed, but law reform is arguably catching up with New Zealanders’ views.

Bridges is now emphasising that he would look at what the Law Commission recommends.

But if Labour pursues the issue, and manages it well, he faces a difficult choice – either work out a way to change his stance or risk finding himself on the wrong side of history and virtually dare many of his supporters to vote for Ardern.