Nelson Mail

Takaka rec park

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Let’s assume for planning purposes that the ratio of car parks to recreation park users (including spectators of course) is 1 car park: 4 users.

Right now, there are at least 190 car parks already on-site, not counting the 120 parks on the A&P Associatio­n land. 190 x 4 = 760.

It is unusual to have an event or events involving more than 760 people at one time. An obvious exception is the A&P Show which has an alternativ­e traffic management plan.

Come on TDC, you’ve already got the accessible car parks in a great position right next to the main entrance! Let us all use the NBS stadium and the function room, as well as the squash courts and changing rooms — or provide a plausible reason for not doing so. What is the building work affecting the use of the stadium and function room? interventi­on to training local troops and deploying American air power.

In Iraq the local government’s troops were mostly Shia (as is most of the population), and US support was sufficient without committing American troops to ground combat.

The Iraqi army is now in the final stages of reconqueri­ng Mosul, Islamic State’s capital in Iraq and an almost entirely Sunni city.

Yet there have been no massacres of Sunnis, and only a handful of American casualties.

In Syria, the United States strongly opposed the Shiadomina­ted regime of President Bashar al-Assad, but it did not fight him. Obama found local allies to wage a ground war against Islamic State in the form of the Syrian Kurds, who are Sunni, but more interested in a separate Kurdish state than a Sunni-ruled Syria.

That collaborat­ion worked well too.

With US training and air support, the Syrian Kurds drove Islamic State steadily back, and are now closing in on Raqqa, its capital in Syria. And in all that time, Obama avoided taking sides between Shias and Sunnis in what most Arabs now see as a ShiaSunni war.

Obama even managed to maintain America’s traditiona­l alliances with Saudi Arabia and Turkey despite the fact that those two countries, both ruled by devout Sunni regimes, were sending money and arms to the extremists of Islamic State and the Nusra Front.

He successful­ly walked a fine line in the Middle East for six whole years.

It’s doubtful that Donald state that the Syrian Kurds have been building across northern Syria. Those Syrian Kurds have been America’s closest allies against Islamic State for years.

There are even Turkish troops in northern Iraq (without permission), and Erdogan has threatened to use them if the Iraqi army abuses Sunni Muslims during the reconquest of Mosul.

Iraq’s Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi replied (in November): ‘‘We do not want war with Turkey ... but if a confrontat­ion happens we are ready for it.’’

Erdogan has gone rogue, and Turkey’s recent, quite fragile reconcilia­tion with Russia is not restrainin­g him.

The two countries, together with Iran, are jointly supervisin­g the shaky ceasefire in Syria, but they do not share the same goals and they are not really allies.

Into the midst of all this vicious complexity wanders the boy-man Donald Trump, with his full-spectrum ignorance, short attention-span and shorter temper. His appointee as National Security Adviser, General Michael Flynn, doubtless advised him to support Turkey’s ambitions, but then it was revealed that Flynn was in the pay of the Turkish government and he had to resign.

If Trump cosies up to the Russians instead, he will have to accept a close relationsh­ip with Assad’s brutal regime in Syria (no problem there) and also with Russia’s main ally in the Syrian war, Iran (potentiall­y big problem there).

But various latent conflicts are likely to burst into flame as the big civil wars in Iraq and Syria stagger to an end. Trump will have to jump one way or another quite soon.

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