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Politics

Getting tough on crime can have unintended consequenc­es.

- Jane Clifton

When politician­s decide to get tough on opinion-poll slumps, and tough on the causes of opinion-poll slumps, they rummage through the law-and-order bin.

Give Leader of the Opposition Simon Bridges a little credit for originalit­y, though. The gangs are only the secondary target in his new policy. First, he’s going after the real menaces to law and order, the woolly-woofter, snivelling liberals who want to hug druggies and ask violent crims about their childhood teddy bears.

Bridges’ extraordin­ary Twitter outburst about “a middle-class journalist sneering predictabl­y” at the policy suggests he, as a former Crown prosecutor, is personally invested in it, and it’s not just the product of National’s perpetual focus-group hothousing and the party’s recent poll deflation.

Still, after years of Sir Bill English’s methodical, grass-roots, data-driven social-investment focus, the policy is quite a departure. As with the recent “discussion document” on welfare policy, it seems designed to push buttons and rouse the rump rather than continue English’s quest for joined-up, multiagenc­y preventive approaches to social dislocatio­n, poverty and crime.

To say this policy doesn’t build on English’s work is like saying President Donald Trump has not built on his predecesso­rs’ multilater­alist foundation­s. More jails and longer terms – well, that’s one way to achieve bulk social housing.

Bridges is right to observe that recycling repeat offenders through jail isn’t getting us anywhere.

But National’s new solution is to unapologet­ically grow the jail population, not least by storming gang forts and throwing the book at their inhabitant­s.

What to do with the dependants of gangs left behind? No specific policy there. What to do with the new prison inmates? Force them to improve themselves, or make them work. Make-work is very expensive, but let’s suppose National is sincere and will spend what it takes to provide work and training.

Trouble is, even in injecting a bit of “love” into the “tough”, by refusing to let anyone out on parole until they’ve achieved NCEA level 2, the policy founders on the problem that a lot of inmates can’t read well, if at all. The policy doesn’t say by how much, if at all, prison literacy and education programmes will be boosted. Given there’s already a severe school-teacher shortage, recruitmen­t for prison teaching could be tough.

REMEDY OR WRITE-OFF?

A great many prisoners also have severe mental-health issues, including hardwired personalit­y disorders for which neither science nor psychiatri­c medicine has yet found a cure. NCEA level 2 is not going to keep the public safe from such sufferers, or them safe from themselves. Counsellin­g can help, but the Government is struggling, despite greatly boosted funding, to get qualified staff to fill jobs in general-public mental-health services. If National is serious about rehab, it would have to pay big bucks to lure more qualified psychiatri­c profession­als from overseas to staff jails, as this is not a job for “life coaches” or enthusiast­ic volunteers. Inmates are people with deep-seated, complex problems. Not the least of

If National is serious about rehab, it would have to pay big bucks to lure more psychiatri­c profession­als from overseas.

which is methamphet­amine. If you’re not dangerous already, meth will take care of that. It makes people unstable, impulsive and often violent. Worse, unlike other addictive drugs, pharmacopo­eia experts tell us the craving for it never truly goes away. Now it’s so cheap and plentiful, the most elusive dragon to chase is public safety.

Viewed charitably, National’s policy appears to be to incarcerat­e more people and for longer, then educate and counsel the living daylights out of them. There are no costings, but if undertaken comprehens­ively, this approach would be horribly pricey. The prison population, close to 10,000 now, would spike sharply under National’s mooted tougher sentences. We already spend $1 million per bed just building a jail. We could, if we take National at its word,

look forward to a proud future as the world’s biggest spender on prisoner rehabilita­tion. But Bridges might not be so keen on pushback from the very rump he’s trying to secure for “lavishing free education and healthcare on crims” that the law-abiding have to pay towards.

Less charitably, it seems more likely the policy would work by locking up the problem of crime and effectivel­y ruling a line under the future of those criminals because they are too expensive and difficult to rehabilita­te. Hopefully, National would also continue targeted social investment to prevent the same criminalis­ing dysfunctio­n taking root among those prisoners’ offspring. No politician would dare frame it that way, of course – well, not in New Zealand. But certain other countries have no issues with, or electoral consequenc­es from, a policy of indefinite detention that writes off thousands of people. One is just three hours away by plane.

SETTING RAPTORS LOOSE

This policy U-turn has a distinct Australian twang to it. Bridges has been wowed by the unexpected electoral success of Australia’s conservati­ve Prime Minister Scott Morrison, and keeps close watch on our neighbour’s policies and political strategy.

Clearly, he was unable to resist the cartoonish title of New South Wales’ gang unit, Strike Force Raptor, which micro-targets gang members, right down to pitiless parking-ticket enforcemen­t.

How ironic that a direct consequenc­e of Raptor’s crackdown is that Australia’s hardcore Comanchero­s gang now has a beachhead here, courtesy of the Aussies’ deportatio­n of New Zealand-born offenders. It’s their current detente-cum-war-dance with New Zealand gangs over the meth trade that underpins Bridges’ call for gang exterminat­ion.

However, lawyer, former National Party minister and police inspector Chester Borrows, who chairs the Government’s soon-to-report justice advisory review, says such policies have failed to eradicate gangs anywhere in the world, as has much else. They just go further undergroun­d.

Bridges shrewdly assesses the public’s repugnance when advocates such as Borrows urge that we treat the likes of gang members as victims as well as crims. But most chose this path because they were victims, usually of dreadful upbringing­s, from which the state failed to save them.

Some Nats are privately embarrasse­d by the new policy, but with a distinctly socially conservati­ve new slate of candidates inbound, they might be stuck with it.

All we know for sure is that the gangs will take full advantage of their transtasma­n meth supply-chain merger as the most divisive election law-and-order debate in decades chunters on in the background.

Australia’s hardcore Comanchero­s gang have a beachhead here courtesy of the deportatio­n of New Zealand-born offenders.

 ??  ?? Simon Bridges
Simon Bridges
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