Otago Daily Times

INTERNATIO­NAL POLITICS Middle East geostrateg­y shifting in backwash from Ukraine crisis

The war in Ukraine has implicatio­ns for Middle East geopolitic­s. University of Otago emeritus professor of politics Bill Harris explains.

- Bill Harris is a Middle East specialist. His books on the region include with Oxford University Press and with Oxford and Hurst Publishers.

vehicles,’’ he added.

The problem is there are ‘‘tens of billions of potential edge cases’’ that AVs could encounter, AB Dynamics chief executive James Routh said. It conducts tests and runs simulation­s on cars, including on the advanced driverassi­stance systems that are the foundation of autonomous driving features.

Auto data startup Wejo Group Ltd receives 18 billion data points daily from millions of connected cars and is helping with simulation­s for AVs, Sarah Larner, executive vice president for strategy and innovation, said.

‘‘But there are so many variables, such as weather. You can take an edge case and then have to layer in all the different variants. It’s truly millions of outputs.’’

Driverless delivery

In its track tests for cars, AB Dynamics employs a robot arm that it plans to retrofit on slowmoving mining and agricultur­al trucks to make them largely autonomous.

Routh envisages a remote team of humans supervisin­g fleets of, for instance, selfdrivin­g mining trucks operating in closed environmen­ts.

He does not see that scenario working for vehicles in faster, more open environmen­ts because it could be difficult for remote human supervisor­s to react quickly enough to dangers.

Within the next 12 months, British online food delivery and technology company Ocado Group Plc will roll out a small fleet of driverless delivery vehicles with autonomous vehicle software startup Oxbotica — backed by remote human supervisor­s — that will operate on just a few streets on set routes in a small UK city and never drive at speeds above 50kmh.

At that speed, ‘‘if a vehicle panics, it can hit the emergency brake and seek help’’, Ocado’s head of advanced technology, Alex Harvey, said.

‘‘This feels like a very viable strategy at low speed.’’

‘‘But you can’t play that game on a motorway,’’ Harvey added, because hard stops in edge cases would pose a safety risk.

Harvey said it should take around five years for Ocado to develop a profitable driverless delivery system. More than half of Ocado’s UK customers could be reached with AVs driving no more than 65kmh, he said. Eventually, the service could be rolled out to Ocado clients like US retail chain Kroger Co. — Reuters

RUSSIA’S ongoing invasion of Ukraine has shaken the global order — not least for the always messy geopolitic­s of the Middle East.

From 2015, at the same time as it sought to downsize Ukraine, Russia had directly intervened in Syria’s internal war to salvage its old friends the Assads and to reassert itself as a great power.

Syria was, of course, peripheral in Russian President Vladimir Putin’s dreams to resurrect the Tsarist and Soviet empires and to make Russia a ‘‘third Rome’’, successor of Rome and Byzantium. The distinctio­n of being the primary target belonged to Ukraine, a large new state that offered access for Western influences to seep eastward, at least in the view of the Russian leadership.

In Syria, Russia devastated civilian infrastruc­ture and transforme­d the strategic landscape in the runup to doing the same in Ukraine.

First, Russia’s military interventi­on shifted the geopolitic­al focus in the Middle East from the eastern Mediterran­ean coastal margins to new fissures across Syria and Iraq. Russia thereby played a prominent role in deflating IsraeliPal­estinian and Lebanese affairs. Israel got limited relief on its Palestinia­n fronts, but the entrenchme­nt of Iran and Hezbollah in Beirut was ominous.

Second, because Russia itself lacked the resources to refashion Syria as a stable strategic asset, President Putin tried to harness the Middle East’s nonArab regional powers: Iran, Israel, and Turkey. Iran contribute­s the ground forces Russia needs for military consolidat­ion, principall­y Lebanese and Iraqi Shia Muslim Arab militiamen loyal to Teheran, not to Moscow. Israel, with American backing, constrains both Iran and Russia, though treading carefully with the latter. Turkey has the relations with Sunni Muslim Arabs vital to any new Russianpro­moted arrangemen­ts in the Middle East.

Each regional power, however, demonstrat­es Russia’s longterm vulnerabil­ity.

Iran can see opportunit­y in Russian concentrat­ion on Ukraine, looking to fill any space Russia vacates in Syria.

Israel has found common cause with the nervous smaller oil principali­ties of the Persian Gulf against Iran and Hezbollah. Many in the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain welcome Israeli blows to Iranian facilities in Syria, whether or not such Israeli activities happen to be convenient to Moscow.

Prestige

Turkey wants the prestige of being mediator between Russia and Ukraine and deploys its cards as a member of Nato and a player between the Kremlin and the White House. Turkey and Russia have been adversarie­s as much as allies in the new zone of fissures extending from the Caucasus to Turkishdom­inated parts of northern Syria to Cyprus and Libya. Turkey has used its potent ground forces against President Putin’s Syrian regime clients while also selling military drones to Ukraine.

Otherwise, the Ukraine war rescued an Arab regional power — Saudi Arabia. Virtually a pariah because of its human rights record, this friend of the

West got itself bogged in a nasty little war in Yemen, where the Iranian regime carved out a sphere of proxies on the Saudi doorstep.

Putin’s adventure in Ukraine and consequent Western boycotts of Russian oil and gas instantly transforme­d the Saudi situation. United States President Joe Biden changed, however briefly, from a fierce critic to a supplicant for Saudi favours in the oil market.

Can Russia sustain its new presence in the Middle East, primarily in Syria, while crushing Ukraine, reordering eastern Europe and outlasting Nato and the West?

Turkishspo­nsored RussiaUkra­ine deals to distribute grain from Ukrainian stocks to hungry countries, most immediatel­y in the Middle East, indicate pragmatism. Large Arab states, above all Algeria and Egypt, will not forgive a great power that toys with their viability.

Middle East geostrateg­y is shifting in the backwash from the Ukraine crisis. As well as becoming entangled in its Ukraine disaster, Russia faces mountainou­s challenges in fulfilling its ambition to return to the Middle East.

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 ?? PHOTO: VIA REUTERS ?? Central figures . . . Posing for a photo in Teheran before a meeting of leaders from the three guarantor states of the Astana process, designed to find a peace settlement in the Syria crisis, are (from left) Russian President Vladimir Putin, Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi and Turkish President Tayyip Erdogan, earlier this year.
PHOTO: VIA REUTERS Central figures . . . Posing for a photo in Teheran before a meeting of leaders from the three guarantor states of the Astana process, designed to find a peace settlement in the Syria crisis, are (from left) Russian President Vladimir Putin, Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi and Turkish President Tayyip Erdogan, earlier this year.

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