As the world marks Armistice Day, nationalism rises again
The graveyards extend for miles, farther than the eye can see. For a century now, parts of northern France and Belgium have been an eerie mausoleum, a landscape ravaged by the horrors of World War I, a conflict that was then the deadliest event in modern history.
More than 60 world leaders will gather in Paris this weekend to mark the centennial of the 1918 armistice. As host, French President Emmanuel Macron is embracing a post-national, panEuropean understanding of the past — and vision of the future.
But the World War I centennial arrives at a moment when the European project and transatlantic alliance are under strain — and nationalism is seeing a startling resurgence.
Anti-European Union sentiment has grown even in countries where right-wing populists have performed poorly at the polls, and Brussels has struggled to respond to flagrant assaults on European values as basic as the rule of law.
Heads of state assert “Italy First,” “Hungary First” and “America First,” echoing language deployed by those who argued against US involvement in the world wars and League of Nations. And collective aversion to the term “nationalist” has begun to recede.
“You know, they have a word — it sort of became old-fashioned,” President Trump said at a rally last month. “It’s called a nationalist. And I say, really? We’re not supposed to use that word. You know what I am? I’m a nationalist, okay? I’m a nationalist. Nationalist. Nothing wrong. Use that word.”
Margaret Macmillan, a World War I historian at the University of Oxford, said the cavalier language evinces a mentality that peace is the default and even inevitable condition.
“We in the West, in particular, have been extremely lucky. We’ve lived through an extremely long period of peace,” she said. “The worry is that we take peace for granted and think it’s a normal state of affairs.”
In advance of the gathering in Paris, Macron has positioned himself as Europe’s leading challenger to the rising tide of nationalism. He has said that leaders such as Hungary’s Viktor Orban are right to see him as their biggest opponents, and warned — in an address to the United Nations — that unilateralism inevitably engenders “withdrawal and conflict”.
Macron’s Armistice Day plans reflect his commitment to the postwar project. A ceremony Sunday on the Champs-Elysees will be a solemn affair, remembering lives lost rather than celebrating a war victory. That will be followed by a three-day peace forum that aims to “strengthen multilateralism and international cooperation”.
If the event celebrates anything, it will be the long legacy of peace, which eluded the continent after the first world war but has now held more or less intact for seven decades. To Macron and other defenders of the EU, the oftmaligned institution is a critical reason why.
“The European Union is the rejection of the two world wars — that’s what it is. It’s a way of creating the economic and democratic stability that did not emerge after World War I,” said Yale University historian Jay Winter.
World War I occupies a more limited space in the German historical imagination than it does for France, the UK or Belgium. Few of the battles were on German soil, and the horrors of the war that followed — World War II — overshadow all else in the nation’s historical memory. But the lessons of both wars are woven into the country’s modern DNA. As other nations have swung toward populists pledging to look out for their own country’s interests Germany has stayed rooted in international cooperation.
Unlike during other major anniversaries of the war, Germany has marked the centenary occasions alongside onetime enemies. It will do so again on Sunday when Chancellor Angela Merkel travels to Paris and President Frank-Walter Steinmeier visits London for a ceremony with Queen Elizabeth II.
“It has really been a European commemoration,” Ho¨ lscher said. “That’s something very new.”