The New Zealand Herald

Brits exasperate­d by endless Brexit posturing

- Shane Te Pou comment Shane Te Pou is a former activist of the New Zealand Labour Party who works in human resources.

Since former UK Prime Minister David Cameron made his fatefully daft decision to hold the referendum, Brexit has paralysed and captivated British politics.

This was obvious enough from afar. But only after travelling around the UK and Europe these last few weeks have I come to grasp the extent to which the issue consumes every last bit of oxygen in the British political discourse.

During my trip, PM Theresa May made her latest, last-ditch effort to find some sort of viable resolution. Her Government released a 28-page declaratio­n spelling out the agreed terms with the European Union for Britain’s scheduled exit from on March 29, 2019. This “soft Brexit” option will face an up or down vote at Westminste­r and much more than May’s political survival depends on the outcome.

An alliance of the Labour opposition, hardline Conservati­ve Brexiteers and Northern Ireland’s Tory-aligned Democratic Unionist Party could easily keep May from securing the 320 votes she needs before the deal goes to the European Parliament for ultimate assent.

May’s best hope may be that, after the deal goes down initially, the ensuing panic in the financial markets and elsewhere prompts a rethink by enough hardliners or Labour moderates to somehow get it through on a second go around. Her best hope is the least bad outcome, not often a winning hand.

Tony Blair hasn’t lost his knack for the soundbite. The way it stands, he says, Britain faces a choice between a painful deal (no deal) and a pointless one. On the latter point, Blair finds unlikely allies among Brexit’s foremost champions like Nigel Farage who argue May’s compromise “give[s] away more sovereignt­y even than as members of the European Union”.

But perhaps May’s resilience should not be underestim­ated. I chatted with a retired electricia­n who thought Brits may rally around the PM if she’s seen to be standing up to intransige­nt Brexit bullies, as well as hardline Remainers, inside and outside her party.

Another factor that comes up everywhere is the shameful irrelevanc­e of Jeremy Corbyn’s Labour. Given the state of the Tory Party — torn at the seams over this issue — Corbyn ought to be coasting to victory at the next election. The normal rules of political gravity would have Labour up by 20 points, instead, most polls show them trailing this shambles of a government by a few points.

Even among life-long Labour voters I spoke to, there was deep frustratio­n at Corbyn’s unwillingn­ess to offer a clear alternativ­e such as a second referendum that may allow the UK to withdraw from the precipice.

Corbyn and his ideologica­l allies have long been sceptical, if not nakedly hostile, to the European project. On the far left, not much has changed since socialist firebrand Tony Benn declaimed entry into the European Common Market as “the decapitati­on of British democracy”.

Corbyn, a card-carrying Bennite, hasn’t been able to shake the perception he’s fundamenta­lly pro-Brexit. Little else explains why, under his leadership, Labour hasn’t staked out a clearer, not to mention more politicall­y advantageo­us, position. A tribal Labour loyalist told me he can’t imagine voting for anyone else, but rolled his eyes and muttered “communist” at the mention of Corbyn.

Wherever I went, I found frustratio­n and anger over the way political leaders have mishandled Brexit from the start. But perhaps the prevailing reaction was one of exhaustion. That could be what saves Theresa May.

People are so sick and tired of the uncertaint­y — so exasperate­d by the endless posturing on all sides — that what Blair rightly calls “pointless” might be better than any of the alternativ­es.

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