The Post

Climate wishlist

The global climate summit in Glasgow could have billion-dollar consequenc­es for New Zealand. Olivia Wannan looks at what New Zealand is fighting for at the negotiatio­ns.

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For two weeks in November, Climate Change Minister James Shaw will rub shoulders with United States President Joe Biden, British Prime Minister Boris Johnson, Australian Prime Minister Scott Morrison and the Queen.

But he also faces gruelling negotiatio­ns during the COP26 meeting, with billion-dollar consequenc­es for the Government. Shaw said his first priority was to salvage the landmark Paris Agreement, signed in 2015 but now in limbo because world leaders can’t agree details of how it will work.

‘‘The consensus around Paris has really frayed,’’ he said. ‘‘This conference is all about getting the show back on the road and building momentum.’’

Shaw will travel to Glasgow with a negotiatin­g mandate, parameters within which he can negotiate without having to consult the Government. But any departure from that will mean he needs to place a call home.

One focus of the talks is the smooth running of a new internatio­nal carbon market. A remaining area of debate is who gets to claim the traded carbon credits.

For example, many airlines will be buying carbon credits under an internatio­nal aviation agreement.

An airline might pay a country to plant trees – but that country also needs to cut emissions to meet its Paris Agreement pledge. Some countries, including Brazil, think the emissions savings sold to the airlines should also be counted in their Paris tallies.

But many leaders argue this is double counting, and would undermine global goals.

There is also disagreeme­nt on the sale of old carbon credits in the new market and on surcharges to create funding for countries vulnerable to climate change.

A functionin­g carbon market is particular­ly important for New Zealand because the Government pledged to cut the country’s climate impact by 30 per cent by the end of the decade. (This target is expected to be increased before the end of the climate talks.)

The problem: no major political party has a plan that would get us there through domestic policies alone. The Government will have to buy its way out – likely using the internatio­nal carbon market.

The other option is to set up bilateral agreements with other countries, though this would require protracted negotiatio­ns.

The Climate Change Commission calculated the current target could result in a $2.4 billion bill, if carbon credits cost $30 per tonne. At $140 per tonne, taxpayers could fork out $11.2b.

The National Party criticised Shaw for attending the climate talks with nine other New Zealand-based delegates, arguing it took away MIQ spots from returning Kiwis.

National Party MP and climate spokespers­on Stuart Smith said the importance of carbon markets meant New Zealanders should attend the summit. ‘‘That should be a key focus of our negotiatio­ns. That is incredibly important,’’ he said. ‘‘I have no objection to the minister going with a small delegation . . . I don’t think he needs half the people he is taking with him.’’

In addition to the travelling group, the minister will be joined by five others from overseas government offices.

Shaw said there were about 30 negotiatio­n rooms at the summit, running in parallel sessions.

‘‘So if we are going to participat­e in those negotiatio­ns, you need a sufficient number of people to be in a number of rooms at the same time. It is as simple as that,’’ he said. ‘‘The negotiatio­ns often run for 16-20 hours plus. You tend to relieve each other in shifts, which means you actually have fewer rooms that you can actually cover.’’

At the last summit, Shaw co-chaired a discussion group on the carbon markets.

He views this as a way to achieve global goals, rather than exert power for domestic priorities. ‘‘New Zealand is seen as a high-integrity country. And because we are not one of the ones with massive vested interests, we can act in a facilitati­ve role between countries that do have very fixed positions on things.’’

The announceme­nt of the Government’s new climate target (known as a Nationally Determined Contributi­on or NDC) should also come before the end of the COP26 summit. The Paris Agreement requires countries to pledge increasing­ly ambitious targets.

Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern said in January that the target of 30 per cent by 2030 would be increased, though no new target had been announced at the time of writing.

Asked if there was an increased NDC the National Party would support, Smith said he had no particular target in mind for 2030.

He opposed the Government’s decision to quadruple the country’s climate funding, which he said could be seen as an insult by businesses affected by the pandemic.

The cash boost appeared to be a distractio­n from the Government’s poorly received Emissions Reduction Plan consultati­on document, Smith said.

‘‘It was held up by ministers not getting their backsides into gear.’’

But Smith did want to see the country’s NDC split greenhouse gases by type. Under the Zero Carbon Act, by 2050, all greenhouse­s gases must be at net zero, apart from biological methane, which must fall by 24-47 per cent.

‘‘That is something National pushed very strongly for.’’

The pledge should also promote an alternate method of accounting for gases, called GWP*, Smith said. In internatio­nal greenhouse tallies, all gases are typically converted into an equivalent amount of carbon dioxide using GWP100, meaning their impacts are averaged over 100 years.

Notably for New Zealand agricultur­e, GWP* is friendlier to countries with stable or sinking amounts of methane.

Agricultur­al groups such as Beef + Lamb also back the use of GWP*. Sam McIvor, Beef + Lamb’s chief executive, said reporting the country’s emissions using both GWP100 and GWP* metrics would promote the latter, both in New Zealand and around the world.

Essentiall­y, the concept tries to account for methane’s shorter lifespan. It hangs around in the atmosphere for about 12 years, before reverting to carbon dioxide.

Others point out using GWP* outside of science, to design climate policies can privilege developed farming countries – particular­ly New Zealand. Because establishe­d farming systems have high baseline methane emissions, the GWP* system gives them credit for reducing methane. A country with a smaller, but growing, agricultur­al industry would be comparativ­ely punished by the metric.

Shaw said the promotion of GWP* was not on his agenda for the summit, because the use of GWP100 was a globally settled question.

‘‘It would fall on deaf ears, because there is still plenty to negotiate,’’ he said.

‘‘Furthermor­e, we would be seen as attempting to change the global system in order to suit our largest industry. That would not do our largest industry any good at all. It would badly affect their reputation.’’

The internatio­nal rulebook did not stop New Zealand from using its choice of metric in domestic policy, Shaw said.

But, he said, the Government’s decision to split the gases in domestic legislatio­n had already caused internatio­nal reputation­al damage.

‘‘This conference is all about getting the show back on the road.’’ Climate Change Minister James Shaw

 ?? GETTY IMAGES ?? To meet its Paris pledge, New Zealand may have to buy carbon credits, for example supporting green electricit­y generation.
GETTY IMAGES To meet its Paris pledge, New Zealand may have to buy carbon credits, for example supporting green electricit­y generation.
 ?? MARTIN DE RUYTER/STUFF ?? Is it fair for New Zealand – with a history of high methane emissions – to get credit for reducing agricultur­al emissions?
MARTIN DE RUYTER/STUFF Is it fair for New Zealand – with a history of high methane emissions – to get credit for reducing agricultur­al emissions?
 ?? ROBERT KITCHIN/STUFF ?? Climate Change Minister James Shaw will join his delegates in Glasgow, negotiatin­g the workings of the Paris Agreement.
ROBERT KITCHIN/STUFF Climate Change Minister James Shaw will join his delegates in Glasgow, negotiatin­g the workings of the Paris Agreement.

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