The Press

Waka-jumping and not taking green principles as red

- CHRIS TROTTER

Is it possible to reconcile the Green Party’s opposition to the Government’s ‘‘wakajumpin­g’’ bill with its constituti­onal commitment to ‘‘appropriat­e decision-making’’?

No other political party has a more consistent record of support for proportion­al representa­tion. It is, therefore, perplexing to hear Greens argue for the right of individual MPs to undermine their own party’s decision-making power in the House. In an electoral system that allocates parliament­ary seats according to a party’s share of the popular vote, how can compromisi­ng the proportion­ality principle ever be considered ‘‘appropriat­e’’?

Surely, under MMP, it must rank as the cardinal political sin?

That the Greens do not consider voting against the wishes of their own party to be a sin leads us back ineluctabl­y to that wonderfull­y weaselish word ‘‘appropriat­e’’.

Why does the word even feature in the party’s four core constituti­onal principles? (Ecological Wisdom. Social Responsibi­lity. Appropriat­e Decision-making. Nonviolenc­e.) Surely, the party’s third core value should read democratic decisionma­king?

The explanator­y sentence accompanyi­ng the Green’s third core value only makes its meaning murkier. It reads: ‘‘For the implementa­tion of ecological wisdom and social responsibi­lity, decisions will be made directly at the appropriat­e level by those affected.’’

Now, as I understand the rules of philosophi­cal discourse, it is unacceptab­le to define a thing simply by referring to the thing itself. As in: a cat is an entity possessing cat-like qualities. Accordingl­y, it is extremely cheeky of the Greens to define ‘‘appropriat­e decision-making’’ as, in effect, decision-making that is made appropriat­ely. Officially, this form of rhetorical evasion is known as ‘‘tautology’’.

What, then, are the Greens seeking to evade by using the word ‘‘appropriat­e’’?

Well, for a start, they’re evading the ideologica­l obligation­s imposed upon the internatio­nal Green movement by the Global Green Charter. The Global Green Charter lists the core Green values as: Ecological wisdom. Social justice. Participat­ory democracy. Nonviolenc­e. Sustainabi­lity. Respect for diversity. These core values differ significan­tly from those listed in the New Zealand Green Party’s charter.

Participat­ory democracy, for example, is a concept with a long and illustriou­s political pedigree extending all the way back to the ‘‘Port Huron Statement’’ issued in 1962 by the radical American youth organisati­on called Students for a Democratic Society. The substituti­on of the bland verbal formulatio­n ‘‘appropriat­e decisionma­king’’ speaks volumes about the willingnes­s of the New Zealand Greens to put their money where their mouths are. (Their craven substituti­on of ‘‘social responsibi­lity’’ for ‘‘social justice’’ speaks a whole additional library of volumes.)

That the NZ Greens are unwilling to commit themselves to the principle of participat­ory democracy is highly significan­t in relation to their openly equivocal stance on the waka-jumping bill. It signifies what can only be described as an ultraindiv­idualistic approach to the vexed question of when, if ever, it is permissibl­e to step away from decisions arrived-at collective­ly.

To hear the current crop of Green MPs tell it, the answer appears to be: ‘‘Whenever an individual Green MP feels like it.’’

Some of these MPs have justified their stance by citing former Green MP Sue Bradford’s scathing denunciati­on of previous waka-jumping legislatio­n. Unfortunat­ely, this merely draws attention to Bradford’s propensity to set a much higher value upon her personal political judgement than upon the collective judgements of her comrades.

An old-fashioned MarxistLen­inist might condemn such behaviour as ‘‘petit-bourgeois individual­ism’’; the Greens, bless them, are considerab­ly less censorious.

This Green tolerance of dissent may, however, come back to bite them. The present, Labour-led government’s political survival is entirely dependent on the preparedne­ss of the Green Party caucus to remain true to the undertakin­gs given to Jacinda Ardern and her team of negotiator­s following last year’s general election.

Among those undertakin­gs was Green Party leader James Shaw’s commitment to facilitate the passage of the waka-jumping legislatio­n demanded by NZ First. The slightest suggestion that Shaw may no longer be in a position to deliver on the deal will arouse serious misgivings not only in NZ First, but also in Labour. The mutual trust upon which the Labour-NZF-Green Government depends will be severely tested.

For the National Party, the Greens apparent willingnes­s to put the rights of the individual ahead of the expectatio­ns of the group will be good news indeed. Simon Bridges can draw considerab­le comfort from the clear evidence that, in spite of the widely held view that they are more socialist than environmen­talist, the New Zealand Greens are actually well to the right of their overseas counterpar­ts.

Far from exhorting members to become ‘‘social justice warriors’’, the Green Party constituti­on calls upon them to demonstrat­e ‘‘social responsibi­lity’’. The New Left doctrine of ‘‘participat­ory democracy’’ is, likewise, deemed inappropri­ate. What’s more, in the finest National Party tradition, Green MPs are insisting that if their conscience requires it, then they must have the right to both abandon their party’s waka – and remain in Parliament.

 ?? PHOTO: ROSS GIBLIN/STUFF ?? Green MPs, including leader James Shaw, are insisting that if their conscience requires it, then they must have the right to both abandon their party’s waka – and remain in Parliament.
PHOTO: ROSS GIBLIN/STUFF Green MPs, including leader James Shaw, are insisting that if their conscience requires it, then they must have the right to both abandon their party’s waka – and remain in Parliament.
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