Waikato Times

‘Feel-good’ green goals not enough

- MURRAY PETRIE Opinion

There is widespread evidence of the deteriorat­ing quality of New Zealand’s natural environmen­t. Many factors contribute to this, but one that has received surprising­ly little attention is the lack of government transparen­cy and accountabi­lity for environmen­tal management.

Compared with the high levels of openness in how government­s manage the public finances and monetary policy, the arrangemen­ts for environmen­tal stewardshi­p are weak.

Of course, environmen­tal outcomes result from the complex interplay of natural processes, human activities, and central, regional and local government actions, and cannot be managed in the same way that a government can manage its finances. Neverthele­ss, there is an urgent need to apply a comparable underlying framework of transparen­cy and accountabi­lity.

Start with ‘‘state of the nation’’ environmen­tal reporting. Only in 2015 was a law passed requiring central government to publish regular, technicall­y independen­t reports on the state of the environmen­t. The Environmen­tal Reporting Act requires the Ministry for the Environmen­t and Statistics NZ to publish a report on one of five domains (land, air, fresh water, marine, and atmosphere and climate) every six months, and a synthesis report every three years.

But there are numerous weaknesses in the act when judged against internatio­nal good practice for environmen­tal reporting. The act should be amended to require reports to cover the underlying drivers of environmen­tal outcomes (to help formulate responses); breakdowns of data by regional and local authority area to reveal where problems are greatest and promote accountabi­lity for regulation under the Resource Management Act; forward-looking data on risks and outlooks to identify priorities; the effectiven­ess of government policies to date, to improve cost-effectiven­ess; and a requiremen­t for the government to respond to each synthesis report stating its assessment, priority environmen­tal outcomes with strategies, targets and milestones, and progress reports.

In addition, there should be a requiremen­t for the three-yearly synthesis report to be published within a certain number of months of each general election, to promote a much better informed public debate over the state of the environmen­t trade-offs with other policy goals such as economic growth, and stronger accountabi­lity of the government to the electorate.

The Parliament­ary Commission­er for the Environmen­t could also be invited to indicate, in commentary on each synthesis report, the critical few outcomes for priority government action, based on transparen­t criteria and reasoning. This would help to inject independen­t profession­al judgment into the public debate, and to focus resources on priorities, while leaving the final decisions with the government.

At the moment, government­s get away with long-term ‘‘feel good’’ goals, such as ‘‘predator-free by 2050’’, without the discipline that comes from being required to publish details of the intended path to the goal and what they are doing now to promote its achievemen­t.

The announced Carbon Zero Bill would set up just this sort of framework with respect to climate change. But (with the exception of fisheries management) it is lacking at central government level for ‘‘domestic’’ environmen­tal outcomes – the outcomes for which we alone as a country are responsibl­e, such as the declining quality of our fresh water or the loss of our unique indigenous biodiversi­ty.

Finally, environmen­tal policies need to be integrated more effectivel­y into overall government strategy and the annual budget – the government’s single most important statement of its strategies and priorities. If environmen­tal goals and targets are to mean anything, they need to be linked not just to long-term goals, but also to government tax and spending policies in the next 1-3 years.

So, a final proposal is to introduce a new chapter on ‘‘Fiscal Policy and the Environmen­t’’ in the Fiscal Strategy Report in each Budget. The chapter would discuss recent progress on the government’s priority environmen­tal outcomes, informatio­n on risks and outlooks, and discussion of the impacts of fiscal policies on the environmen­t, eg, ‘‘green taxes’’, spending on environmen­tal protection, and funding for environmen­tal monitoring, evaluation, research and regulation.

This would help give effect to the Government’s announceme­nt that the

2019 Budget will be a ‘‘wellbeing budget’’.

Taken together, these proposals are ambitious, although changes to the Environmen­tal Reporting Act could be phased in. They are intended to provide a comprehens­ive framework to guide what may otherwise be disparate and ad hoc steps towards better environmen­tal stewardshi­p. Significan­t investment­s would be required in essential environmen­tal monitoring and research infrastruc­ture, an infrastruc­ture that is currently underresou­rced even to fulfil its current functions.

The proposals are based on commitment­s in law to transparen­cy of goals, targets and milestones, and systematic monitoring, reporting and accountabi­lity – the familiar tools of public management since the fundamenta­l reforms of the 1980s and

1990s.

Applying these tools to environmen­tal stewardshi­p is likely to be a key change required if we are to begin to turn around the long-term decline in the state of our environmen­t.

●➤ Murray Petrie is Senior Research Associate, Institute of Governance and Policy Studies, Victoria University, and Lead Technical Adviser, the Global Initiative for Fiscal Transparen­cy.

 ?? DON ROOD/STUFF ?? The Environmen­tal Reporting Act needs to require reports to cover the effectiven­ess of government policies on such things as arresting declining fresh water.
DON ROOD/STUFF The Environmen­tal Reporting Act needs to require reports to cover the effectiven­ess of government policies on such things as arresting declining fresh water.

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