Waikato Times

Who watches the watchers?

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Student activists in the School Strike 4 Climate campaign have battled the condescens­ion of some of the more inattentiv­e parts of the adult world who designate them kids dabbling naively in grown-up matters.

For their part, students who may have studied issues more closely than many of their critics, and recognised collective peril, want to be taken seriously. Now we have evidence this has indeed happened. But in a creepy way.

Several oil industry companies hired highly controvers­ial security consultant­s Thompson and Clark and a two-year Radio New Zealand investigat­ion has concluded that this entailed, in part, keeping tabs on these students’ activities, along with those of other antifossil fuel activists like Greenpeace.

This the companies deny, but the issue has become so fraught that independen­t scrutiny is surely now needed.

One of the oil companies, OMV, does acknowledg­e having used the firm, but only to monitor planned protests on public websites, not to target people of any age for surveillan­ce.

However, the public is acutely aware that Thompson and Clark has surveillan­ce and infiltrati­on as part of its toolkit. It’s made use of the expertise built up by at least one former member of the New Zealand Security Intelligen­ce Service. In recent years the company has conducted close investigat­ion of former Exclusive Brethren members, and dug into the activities of Christchur­ch earthquake insurance claimants.

Its clients have agendas of their own. Sometimes the purpose has been to counter threats to staff, but sometimes to protect . . . let’s say reputation­s.

The company has been linked to real scandals, leading to censure for its government department­al clients, though it has never itself been prosecuted for illegal conduct.

Even so, the social legitimacy of its activities has been widely challenged. As long ago as 2008, department­al bosses had been warned from on high that paying for covert informatio­n risked bringing state services into disrepute – this after Solid Energy had used the company to infiltrate environmen­tal groups.

But the usage continued on many fronts, amid a far too cosy relationsh­ip with many a public official. This eventually led to a withering State Services Commission report, and a Serious Fraud Office investigat­ion into whether official informatio­n had been used in a corrupt way.

The upshot was that the ‘‘high evidential standard’’ had not been met, but the Government has forbidden its own agencies from making further use of the company.

Founder Gavin Clark’s assertions that his company has always strived to operate within the law and under industry rules and regulation­s can be acknowledg­ed, but let’s be frank – this is not an outfit that should be given the benefit of the doubt.

A bit of diligent mistrust is warranted because what we have here, at very least, is cause for acute civil rights unease.

How the alleged Thompson and Clark investigat­ion into school-aged activists has been conducted requires close attention; both for the tactics used to gather informatio­n and the uses to which it was put.

Investigat­ive journalist Nicky Hager says if the company’s actions aren’t illegal they are definitely not moral. And when legality sits at the wrong side of what society regards as moral, that’s where legislator­s should step in.

. . . the Government has forbidden its own agencies from making further use of the company.

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