Whanganui Chronicle

‘War without honour’ - aid workers in the line of fire

- Alexander Gillespie Alexander Gillespie is Professor of Law at the University of Waikato. This article is republishe­d from The Conversati­on under a Creative Commons licence.

The humanitari­an aid worker Andrew Bagshaw, who has dual New Zealand and British citizenshi­p, has been missing in Ukraine for more than 10 days.

Bagshaw and his British colleague Christophe­r Parry worked as part of a team of Ukrainian and internatio­nal volunteers delivering aid and carrying out evacuation­s of civilians, often under fire from Russian forces. They have not been seen since January 6, when they left the city of Kramatorsk for Soledar, in eastern Ukraine, which has since been claimed by the Russian mercenary company Wagner.

Humanitari­an volunteers often represent the best of us. They are driven to put themselves at personal risk with little financial reward to reduce human suffering and the impacts of conflicts. Their ethical justificat­ions for entering dangerous locations, despite clear warnings from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs not to travel to Ukraine, are often exemplary.

But aid workers are at high risk. During the past two decades, intentiona­l attacks on aid or humanitari­an workers have become a disturbing trend, often perpetrate­d to drive outside influences away from war zones and fully isolate population­s.

It is a war crime to intentiona­lly attack aid workers. Some, such as personnel working for the Internatio­nal Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and the United Nations, have considerab­ly more rights than others.

Despite this division, all aid workers are covered by basic rules. The problem is that internatio­nal humanitari­an law is not based on the ethics of why someone is in a war zone. This is especially the case if they are foreigners.

There are three main groups of foreigners who voluntaril­y go into war zones.

Some people volunteer to fight in foreign wars and are paid more than local fighters. If captured and deemed mercenarie­s, these people have no rights. They can be executed.

The second group are “aliens”, inadverten­tly caught up in a conflict in a country that is not theirs. For these people, if captured and non-combatants, they have a prima-facie right to leave the country. However, this is not an absolute right – they can still be held if their departure is contrary to the national interests of the state that captured them.

Aid workers represent the third group, and they are at increasing risk. Capturing aid workers for hostage and propaganda purposes is a repugnant trend. In recent conflicts, we’ve also seen a rise in the number of victims of collateral violence – their deaths were not intended but a result of indiscrimi­nate force now commonly used in war zones.

More often than not, attacks on aid workers are a combinatio­n of intentiona­l and unintentio­nal actions. Globally, at least 460 aid workers were victims of major attacks in 2021: 140 were were killed, 203 wounded and 117 kidnapped.

Most of these attacks happened in countries such as South Sudan, Afghanista­n, Syria and Ethiopia. But other conflict zones are also contributi­ng to the figures, with growing numbers of deaths, kidnapping­s and wounding of aid workers recorded in Ukraine in 2022.

Internatio­nal humanitari­an law is clear that if a country where a war is happening consents to the presence of aid workers and they are impartial in their work, they “shall be respected and protected”.

Although Russia has withdrawn its consent to the specific convention that contains this rule, Ukraine is a signatory. The obvious problem is that Russia now considers this annexed territory to be Russian, not Ukrainian.

Irrespecti­ve of debates about ownership and consent, Russia is still bound by other rules. Russia, like Ukraine, is a party to the Hostages Convention, which prohibits and criminalis­es the taking of hostages, for whatever justificat­ion.

Russia is also bound by the Security Council resolution, in which it strongly condemned all forms of violence against humanitari­an workers. The council, including Russia, then urged states to ensure crimes against such personnel do not go unpunished.

Despite all of these rules and obligation­s, there is a large gap between the theory of restraint and the practices developing in Ukraine.

It is possible that Bagshaw and other humanitari­an workers have been directly caught up in the violence in Ukraine. To be operating in a war zone, which involves the indiscrimi­nate use of force, Sommelike conditions, the possibilit­y of war crimes and the arrival of thousands of mercenarie­s who often pay scant regard to rules, is extremely risky.

It is also possible they have been taken for bargaining purposes. A practice is developing in Ukraine in which combatants and noncombata­nts, including foreigners, are taken and traded by the belligeren­ts. These exchanges also include the bodies of the dead.

Whichever scenario applies, this is a tragedy. We are at a point where individual­s with the highest ethical motivation­s to provide impartial humanitari­an assistance have themselves become victims: collateral in a war being conducted without honour.

In recent conflicts, we’ve seen a rise in the number of victims of collateral violence – their deaths were not intended but a result of indiscrimi­nate force now commonly used in war zones.

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 ?? Photo / Sebastian Polarchski ?? Kiwi aid worker Andrew Bagshaw is missing in Ukraine.
Photo / Sebastian Polarchski Kiwi aid worker Andrew Bagshaw is missing in Ukraine.

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