Daily Trust Sunday

Why parliament­ary system may become recipe for inertia, chaos – Yadudu

Professor Auwalu Yadudu, one of Nigeria’s foremost constituti­onal lawyers, recently retired as an academic from Bayero University, Kano (BUK), where he served as Dean of the Faculty of Law. In this interview, the former legal adviser to the late military

- By Clement A. Oloyede Nigeria better?

There has been a recent surge in the clamour for a switch to the parliament­ary system of government originatin­g from a group of lawmakers in the House of Representa­tives, who have been consulting with eminent Nigerians on this. What is your take on this clamour?

My take is that I don’t quite understand what they are looking for. This is a system we operated some 65 years ago and there are not so many people alive with the knowledge of how it worked. In my view, I see a lot of problems with the parliament­ary system. Number one, it is a system which is prone to so much instabilit­y. The leader of a majority of parties in the parliament continues to lead the government. The way politician­s change their parties with whims and caprices, we can have so much instabilit­y in the country that within one year we can have government changing many times. I don’t think we are prepared for that kind of turbulence in political terms.

Secondly, a president is elected by the entire country, and of course, we have a system that ensures that whoever becomes a president receives not only the majority acceptance of the area where he comes from, but actually, he has to show territoria­l spread. And I don’t see that in any parliament­ary system, which really means you only represent your constituen­ts.

A president of Nigeria could only be one representi­ng Dala in Kano State, and he has no presence, he has no showing, he has no following in even talking about Kaduna or southern Nigeria. So, in a way, the good thing about territoria­l acceptance, which the presidenti­al system ensures, would be rubbished if you went back to a parliament­ary system. Of course, one does not know what exactly they mean by that.

The third reason is that it has been touted that it is going to be inexpensiv­e. I think people say it because of nostalgia of our leaders in the past. Our leaders in the past were frugal and very diligent and responsibl­e with resources, not because they were operating a parliament­ary system but because by nature they were honest, they were good leaders, and they went by the book. So, it is not so much the parliament­ary system that made our leaders to be good and to be prudent with resources.

And, of course, lastly, you simply don’t know what exactly a parliament­ary system will throw out for you because I can imagine the kind of instabilit­y, political inertia, and even the total chaos in the country if you were to go for a parliament­ary system of government, which is so prone to instabilit­y. And given our ethnic, religious and geopolitic­al difference­s, I don’t see people really minding their business and allowing the system to work for five years.

You talk about the turbulence in the polity due to the shifting dynamics in Nigerian

politician­s’ attitude. But don’t you think this might lead to a system where the majority continue to rule the country infinito?

Well, that is why I said those who are clamouring for it really have no idea of what obtains. If you go back down memory lane, the northern region of Nigeria had the largest number of parliament­arians, and they would continue either of themselves or in coalition with whomever they wanted to co-opt to govern the nation. There is no issue of rotation, there is no issue of zoning, there is no issue of give and take, actually. The party with the majority of members in parliament can continue to govern for as long as it can either have an absolute majority from its area or simply co-opt a few members from other parts of the country and form a government.

So, you see, I blame this agitation for parliament­ary system for two reasons. One, I think those who are the fiercest advocates of it are people who are over 90 years of age, like Ayo Adebanjo, Edwin Clarke, and in the North, I think we have people like Ango Abdullahi. These old people who have had some idea of it are nostalgic, but the young ones do not have an idea really how it worked then and how it will work. I can tell you that it will be a recipe for total inertia, confusion, instabilit­y and chaos if you are to go back to it. Of course, I keep saying that one does not know what exactly they want by parliament­ary system of government.

In the present dispensati­on that we have a lot of people raising concerns about marginaliz­ation, or in the case of party politics, you hear talks about rotation and zoning. How will this play out in the parliament­ary system because you hinted at the absence or rotation?

Honestly, it is very clear that if you want to go for a parliament­ary system of government, where the leader of the majority in parliament leads the government, there is no issue at all about zoning or rotation, or any of those give and take concession­s that we have over the years built through the operation of the presidenti­al system of government.

I keep going back to the point that one does not know exactly what sort of parliament­ary system of government they want to install. Even if you think about the Indian example, India is a diverse country, but it is still a parliament­ary system which really only goes for the leader of the party with the majority of members in the parliament, regardless of its appeal to others. Precisely, what is happening in India is that you have a president from a party that is very divisive and is walking all over everybody and it doesn’t care because it’s able to get the majority of votes. It can continue to govern forever.

By the way, with a parliament­ary system of government, you are not only not going to talk about rotation or zoning, there is no term limit. If a party is able to produce majority of members of parliament after every election cycle, which is usually five years, it can continue to govern the country. And the same leader of that party can continue to govern for as long as the party continues to gather sufficient majority. In England, Tony Blair was there for 10 years, Margaret Thatcher for 12. Right now, the Tory Party in England could have had one leader for the past 12 or 13 years they have been in power except for their own internal problems and some of the things that have happened.

If that is what people are advocating in Nigeria, I don’t think it would work. And I don’t think people would support the idea. I think the clamour has more to do with inexperien­ce and nostalgia, not reality.

What is the way forward in getting

First of all, to be fair to them, I would like them to spell out what they want. But if it is about reduction in the cost of governance, there are other ways within the given system. Essentiall­y, if you go for good leaders who will play the ball according to the rules, it matters not whether it is parliament­ary or presidenti­al system of government that we operate. But it is time to generate ideas, maybe they will be able to convince enough Nigerians on this. You never know.

Over the years, there have been constituti­onal amendments, which a lot of people believe have not yielded the most desired impact. What, in your view, would be a more effective system for a constituti­onal amendment?

It is not a popular view. I think the incrementa­l amendment we have seen over the years is unavoidabl­e. The American presidenti­al system and constituti­onal amendments took very many years. We seem to be in a hurry. We feel we want to change the constituti­on overnight. It doesn’t work that way. If we are truly seeking to improve on the constituti­on, we can continue to amend it incrementa­lly and perfect things. It is never a word that is cast in stone; you keep changing and tweaking it. The American institutio­ns we borrowed from also took several decades, even over a century, to improve it.

Changing a society or political institutio­n is not done overnight, it requires a lot of efforts.

Some pundits, also making reference to the American style, have advocated that it may be more pragmatic for lawmakers to focus on key issues for every round of constituti­onal amendment instead of trying to accommodat­e as many as possible. What is your take on this?

Well, it has to do with elite consensus and the general public. I think it will be the tidiest and most preferable thing to choose a number of key fundamenta­l issues to go to amend them, and therefore, wait for another opportunit­y to attend to the other issues. By the way, members of the National Assembly, in the last two exercise, have been able to choose a number of key issues. They may not be as fundamenta­l as the public wants, but they came up with bills addressing only specific issues, for example, autonomy to local government, judicial council, state assembly or electoral reform.

It is also good to recognise that the constituti­onal amendment exercise is not entirely governed by the National Assembly. It has to get the acceptance of at least twothirds of states (assemblies) of the federation.

You will also have to contend with the ascent of the president. So you can do all this rigmarole, get everybody to agree, and then, maybe Mr President would withhold his ascent, then everything goes away. So I think, as you suggested, it would be good to continue with this tradition they have started.

 ?? ?? Professor Auwalu Yadudu
Professor Auwalu Yadudu

Newspapers in English

Newspapers from Nigeria