Daily Trust

Between self-determinat­ion and restructur­ing: Which way for Nigeria?

- By Tunji Oloapa

It would now seem that the amalgamati­on project of 1914 has finally reached its apogee, 107 years after it was adopted and implemente­d as the best colonial policy for governing Nigeria as one colonial entity. No one needs a seer to know that the colonialis­ts had no good intention for the newly created Nigerian state when the amalgamati­on happened. Nigeria came into existence out of a sheer colonial necessity, rather than as a prelude to a governance template that has at its heart the well-being and future developmen­t of Nigerians. And a century plus later, the consequenc­e of not only the act of the colonialis­ts but also the ideologica­l complacenc­e of the nationalis­ts stare every one of us right in the face. Nigeria’s present circumstan­ce does not need any enumeratio­n—from banditry to insurgency to kidnapping, and the sum of all the self-determinat­ion agitation speak to the singular fact that the Nigeria state stands ominously at the edge of a precipice.

The clamour for self-determinat­ion has now displaced the agitation for restructur­ing in the cacophony of political reactions that mix with the loud cries of poverty and unemployme­nt in Nigeria. The Nigerian Civil War was fought around the issue of self-determinat­ion championed by Emeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu on behalf of the agitation for a Biafran state. That agitation was grounded on the right to self-determinat­ion recognised in internatio­nal law. Biafra failed to materializ­e, but the deep-seated resentment of the Nigerian state that fuelled it has refused to abate. With Nnamdi Kanu and IPOB, we see a persistent questionin­g of the legitimacy of the Nigerian state. The Sunday Igboho saga and the increasing call for the emergence of an Oduduwa State further reinforce growing insecurity is fuelling the urgency of rethinking Nigeria.

The agitation for the restructur­ing of the Nigerian state seems to have stalled on the unwillingn­ess of the political class to genuinely engage with a lopsided Constituti­on that imposes a unitary logic on a diverse and federal realities. And quite contrary to the socioecono­mic and sociopolit­ical advancemen­ts demonstrat­ed by the regionalis­m experiment of the immediate post-independen­ce era, the political leadership still finds it very hard to make the crucial constituti­onal moves that could move Nigeria away from impending dissolutio­n. And in the fissure of this hesitation, the Nigerian state is throwing up accidental heroes and heroines as well as opportunis­tic criminal elements catching on the insecurity and the chaos it creates to perpetuate evils against ordinary citizens.

Between self-determinat­ion and restructur­ing, we stand face to face again with the ubiquitous problem of leadership in Nigeria. From the original prognostic­ation of Chinua Achebe through the political poetry of Niyi Osundare, the political commentari­es of several conscienti­ous analysts to the vocal agitations and advocacy of Wole Soyinka and a class of other national figures, the leadership problem with Nigeria has been iterated into several issues in Nigeria’s national being. However, the brutal but incontrove­rtible fact of political leadership anywhere in the world is that it is the elite, through elite nationalis­m, that constitute­s the fulcrum for transforma­tional changes any state or nation needs to keep meeting the challenges of state- and nation-building. And Nigeria’s elite nationalis­m has its objectives and agenda already cut out for it. First, there is the necessity of coming to terms with the dynamics of Nigeria’s ethnic diversity and how to harness its cogent potentiali­ties for national developmen­t. There is nothing more to this than the equally valid fact that human capital developmen­t is the intangible asset of a nation that unlocks the tangible infrastruc­tural deliveranc­es a nation requires to achieve legitimacy and well-being for its citizens. Second, the harnessing of Nigeria’s diverse human capital requires an ideologica­l framework as the mold for transformi­ng human capital into national asset for sustainabl­e developmen­t.

It is the sincerity of purpose of the political class that makes the difference between Nigeria remaining a protracted national project that is always in the process of yielding something good or bad, and Nigeria as a transforme­d national entity, always in dialogue with its citizens over the conditions of their well-being. If only we can learn the lessons of history, it will become clear that civilizati­ons have risen and fallen based on the failed juxtaposit­ion between self-fulfillmen­t and national commitment.

The potential break-up of the Nigerian state is conditione­d on what we all now know as the Nigerian condition—a litany of systemic dysfunctio­nal dynamics that undermine every legitimate attempt at transformi­ng the Nigerian state and achieving good governance for Nigerians. The Nigerian condition is further exacerbate­d by the insincerit­y of the political class and the logic of primitive accumulati­on. This raises the urgent question of how a new breed of leadership with transforma­tional capacities can be generated. The only way to break the vicious cycle of opportunis­tic politickin­g is to revise the vision around which Nigeria can make progress. The race for the planets has picked up significan­tly among the developed states of the world. And Nigeria stands the danger of being left behind.

It takes a transforma­tional leadership with foresight and perspectiv­e to discern the times with regard to the dynamics of self-determinat­ion and restructur­ing. One could ask, for instance, whether self-determinat­ion and restructur­ing are mutually exclusive in ways that leave Nigeria with the need to choose one rather than the other. It should be accepted as a fact that no leader wants a state to be dissolved on his watch. The national question is one that all leaders want to resolve within the ambit of the existing Constituti­on. There is no side of the equation that is not faced with critical challenges or possibilit­ies. The restructur­ing agitation is equally confronted by the unwillingn­ess to implement a genuine constituti­onal amendment that will refocus the political strategy for managing plural Nigeria. On the other hand, while self-determinat­ion accords with the global convention that provides the right for any ethnonatio­nal entity to seek its own political path, restructur­ing also generates the strategy for realigning the constituti­onal direction of a state.

This dilemma therefore confronts a visionary leadership with the question of how to achieve a winwin balance between the two ends of the choices confrontin­g Nigeria. In other words, the choice then comes down to how the two sides of the equation could be managed while not jeopardizi­ng the well-being of the citizens. Can a genuinely federal constituti­on answer the agitation for self-determinat­ion? In other words, is self-determinat­ion, for instance, possible within a restructur­ed political entity that gives its federal components the capacity to generate the legal framework for their own developmen­t? Does a selfdeterm­ining nation obviate the constant need for restructur­ing its constituti­onal framework once it fails to answer to emerging realities? Answering these questions in the first place requires the sincere commitment of the political elite to the governance requiremen­t of a state like Nigeria. It requires a commitment to institutio­nally building a country and making it work for the citizens. It requires a commitment to a type of politics that allows for the participat­ion of the citizens in decision making.

That we are today confronted with a choice between self-determinat­ion and restructur­ing speaks to the failure of Nigeria’s political elite and its aggrandizi­ng proclivity. There is a need to constituti­onally reamalgama­te Nigeria in ways that undermine the fissiparou­s tendencies that undermine unity. Elite nationalis­m is required for the emergence of a new breed of political elite willing to commit class suicide in their commitment to a new type of politics and institutio­nalism that rates the citizens higher than any personal selfish interests.

Oloapa is a Directing Staff, National Institute For Policy and Strategic Studies, Kuru, Jos

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