Financial Nigeria Magazine

The penchant of the Economist to run down Nigeria

- By Jide Akintunde

The Economist seems to always want to create initial discomfort­s for Nigerian government­s and policymake­rs, and then start to correct the negative impression­s that it had created.

The Economist recently published its Global Liveabilit­y Ranking for 2016. On the index, Lagos ranks 138th, making it the third worst city to live in out of 140 cities surveyed. In fact, Lagos has not ranked more than one notch better on the index since 2011.

This ranking of Lagos in a liveabilit­y study of the world's cities is counter-intuitive; it just doesn't make sense to anyone who truly knows the world. Except for the well-known antics of the Economist – which is really the subject of this article – one would have just dismissed the methodolog­y of its survey as flawed. Indeed, it is flawed, as the profile of Lagos will highlight.

Lagos is a city of opportunit­ies. It is the largest non-sovereign market in Africa, and home to Africa's richest man, Aliko Dangote. Lagos is a magnet and a melting port. The city continues to attract economic migrants and investors from different parts of Nigeria, Africa and around the world. In a world in which young people constitute the majority, access to economic opportunit­ies is a driver of liveabilit­y for a city.

Lagos is relatively safe. No major natural disaster has occurred in the city in decades. In contrast to many cities of the world that have the scale of Lagos' diversity, economic activities and population, cases of mass killing based on whatever motivation are very, very uncommon in Lagos.

If it were a sovereign, its GDP of $90 billion (2014), discountin­g the informal sector, makes the sub-national economy the seventh largest in Africa. The Lagos State government is well-funded with tax revenue as a result of the dominance of the private sector in the economy of the state. The combinatio­n of a decent tax revenue accruing to the Lagos State government and a vibrant private sector ensures appreciabl­e levels of investment­s in services, including private provision of essential utilities like electricit­y and water. The bottom line is that the services are available, one way or another.

By any measure, Lagos is not so stagnant that it would remain rooted in just about the same position at the bottom of any credible global liveabilit­y index. Since 2011, the government of Lagos State has built several roads, upgraded healthcare and educationa­l facilities, invested in security, recreation­al parks and several other facilities that support private sector developmen­t and happy living by residents. By the sheer resources of the Lagos State government and that of the private sector, more likely Lagos would have surpassed several other cities in investment­s that sustain liveabilit­y.

The truth of the matter is that the Economist is given to Nigeria-bashing. Like its peer Western media, and in spite of changing times, the London-based publicatio­n remains fixated on a pejorative reportage of Nigeria and Africa. But they particular­ly fancy casting Nigeria in a bad light for reasons that are both insidious and imperialis­tic. It is either Nigeria is “fantastica­lly corrupt” or hopelessly underdevel­oped. This cohort pretend to be experts on a country and a continent they scarcely know first-hand, presumably because it is not liveable. Inevitably, therefore, they often make the wrong calls.

Years ago, the Economist declared Africa “the hopeless continent.” But with the advent of the last commodity super-cycle, when several African economies started to “emerge”, the Economist was bold enough to make a retraction. It then declared Africa “a hopeful continent.” Rather than this reversal serving a note of caution to this iconic publicatio­n of the world, the Economist probably developed a stratagem for business engagement with Africa out of this boo-boo.

A hopeful Africa is a place for business for the Economist. It was very common in the last decade to, perhaps, last year, find the publicatio­n's business developmen­t staff, majorly skimpily cladded ladies originally from Eastern Europe in the hallways of Ministries, Department­s and Agencies of the Federal Government of Nigeria and some State Government­s including Lagos, selling exorbitant­ly-priced advertisin­g and advertoria­l proposals. While the Economist continued to portray Nigeria as a country of people living below the poverty line of less than $2 per day, it was selling advertisem­ent at more than five times the local rates to the Nigerian MDAs. But then, I am used to the heads of corporate communicat­ion of such agencies complainin­g about value delivery, as their adverts or advertoria­ls are either tucked in the ROP pages or processed for 'special' or 'limited' editions of the Economist that seldom get circulated outside Nigeria.

The Economist seems to always want to create initial discomfort­s for Nigerian government­s and policymake­rs, and then start to correct the negative impression­s that it had created. Therefore, when Nigerian Finance Minister, Kemi Adeosun, was appointed last year, the Economist targeted her for derision, claiming she was “poorly qualified for the job.” But a year later, the same publicatio­n wrote of Adeosun: “a tenacious finance minister, Kemi Adeosun, has told skint governors that they must make their finances public before they receive a second federal bailout. She has struck thousands of ghost workers off the public payroll. Her “treasury single account” may be the biggest coup of all. It replaced a labyrinth of government piggy banks, giving Nigeria more control of its earnings. Financiers reckon that it could serve as a lesson to others in West Africa as well. The continent's most famously corrupt country might yet teach others a thing or two about transparen­cy.”

This effusion of praise on Adeosun for her performanc­e is as pretentiou­s as the negative portrayal of her by the same publicatio­n a year earlier. Nigerians know that the initiative for the implementa­tion of Treasury Single Account in Nigeria is not Adeosun's. Neither are we convinced that the zealot, wholesale implementa­tion of the policy as directed by President Muhammadu Buhari serves the best interest of the economy. To be faithful to Adeosun is to state accurately what her initiative­s are as finance minister (there are a few of them) and correctly mark the boundaries of what she has been able to achieve. But this would be difficult for a publicatio­n that judges things from afar or publishes a PR piece as an independen­t write-up.

Having to re-characteri­se a senior policymake­r of a foreign government within ten months should make a publicatio­n to be sober. But the Economist is set in its ways. But if, as it seems, its credibilit­y stands apart from its inconsiste­nt reportage on Nigeria, the Economist should neverthele­ss be mindful of the damage it does to the country by its initial soon-to-change negative reports. A more objective and contextual reporting on the country will be more helpful than its flip-flopping, and that does not foreclose patronage.

Those of us in the local media are often frustrated by the tendency of the Nigerian authoritie­s to give significan­t media attention and patronage to our foreign counterpar­ts. But the reality is that the patronage of foreign media is important. The likes of the Economist have built close affinity and respectabi­lity with the Western investors that developing countries like Nigeria need to come and invest. At the time of the Economist's U-turn on Adeosun, Nigeria was preparing for a Eurobond issue. A positive portrayal in the Western media can lower risk perception and consequent­ly yield on the bond. A negative portrayal would do the opposite and probably more. It is a matter of responsibi­lity for these publicatio­ns to not take too much advantage of their influence.

The Lagos State government of Akinwunmi Ambode seems to be disincline­d to take up issues with the Economist for the negative ranking of the state on the liveabilit­y index. This is a legacy of former Governor Babatunde Fashola, who was known to withstand media blackmail; either local or foreign. While this would mean that Lagos could remain rooted at the bottom of the index, the appropriat­e response is for the State Government to continue to invest in physical and social infrastruc­tures, and more broadly support the prosperity and happiness of Lagos residents. In any case, all the cities of the world have their dark sides.

As a long-term strategy, it is important for the Nigerian government to help nurture independen­t local publicatio­ns with inclinatio­ns for attaining world-class standard and global reach. This will help in engaging the internatio­nal investment community, while diluting the impact of the Western publicatio­ns that are disincline­d to change from their pejorative portrayal of our country or imbue blackmail into their business process.

While the Economist continued to portray Nigeria as a country of people living below the poverty line of less than $2 per day, it was selling advertisem­ent at more than five times the local rates to the Nigerian MDAs.

 ??  ?? An aerial view of coastal Lagos showing the business-cum-residentia­l area of Apongbon, Lagos Island
An aerial view of coastal Lagos showing the business-cum-residentia­l area of Apongbon, Lagos Island

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