Financial Nigeria Magazine

Revival of the PDP is in the True National Interest

- +234 802 343 9098 jide@financialn­igeria.com Twitter: @JSAkintund­e

When the People's Democratic Party (PDP) was in control of the federal government, it resolved many issues in the 'national interest'. This sometimes entailed refusal to implement the law. But even this was not always as dubious as it sounds.

The PDP came to power after many years of misgoverna­nce by the military had fractured the political fabric of the country, imposed a culture of corruption and left the economy flounderin­g. The PDP government­s were therefore saddled with the responsibi­lities of uniting the country, fighting corruption and revamping the economy.

Two years after the party lost the 2015 presidenti­al election, it has become more apparent that these responsibi­lities are onerous. The PDP government­s achieved a lot, even if they could have done much better. Now that the party is enmeshed in internal leadership crisis after losing power at the centre, it merits public sympathy and goodwill.

The PDP was Nigeria's dominant and governing party for 16 years. It stretched the fourth republic beyond the combined years of the previous democratic dispensati­ons. PDP's long run as a truly national party is unmatched in the annals of Nigerian party politics. And PDP's organic growth is also remarkable.

But by 2011, the influence of the founding fathers of the party had begun to fade. This was a natural process, given that the party was formed by some senior citizens, who got together to consummate the agitation for an end to the country's serial military regimes. Nature dealt another blow on the PDP when President Umaru Yar'Adua died in office in 2010. His death upset the party's internal arrangemen­t for presidenti­al power rotation between the South and the North.

The allocation of top government positions and rotation of the presidency to maintain the country's delicate geopolitic­al balance had seemed pragmatic. But it proved to be short-sighted and capable of thrusting the PDP – if not the country – into a political quandary. As Vice President, Goodluck Jonathan constituti­onally succeeded Yar'Adua. But Jonathan hails from the minority Ijaw ethnic tribe in the South. He had to complete the mandate of a president from the North, and he decided to seek re-election in 2015 after winning the 2011 presidenti­al election on the strength of his incumbency.

Jonathan's presidency was disquietin­g for party members who, for whatever reason, wanted a quick reversion to power rotation to the North after the demise of President Yar'Adua. With President Jonathan clinging to power, the party started to fall apart. This, and public disenchant­ment over festering corruption under the watch of the governing PDP, cost the party the 2015 presidenti­al election.

Since then, the party has been reeling in seemingly intractabl­e leadership crisis. And the more unscrupulo­us past members of the party, who defected to the ruling APC party, are trying their level best to further undermine the revival of the PDP.

But it is the PDP that so far has preeminenc­e in Nigeria's democracy. President Obasanjo reintegrat­ed Nigeria into the internatio­nal community after years of the country's isolation. He worked assiduousl­y to achieve the debt buyback deal that saw Nigeria's exit from the $30 billion Paris Club debt. President Yar'Adua was the country's first leader with a university degree. President Jonathan reformed agricultur­e, created the Sovereign Wealth Fund, and provided the first experience of peaceful power transition to the opposition in Nigeria.

In market governance, the PDP fostered technocrac­y. Top-rated experts were given opportunit­ies to serve the country to some good effects. On the frontline of this technocrat­ic brigade are Ngozi OkonjoIwea­la, Charles Soludo, Ernest Ndukwe, Lamido Sanusi, Oby Ezekwesili, Nasir El Rufai, Fola Adeola, Ndidi Okereke-Onyuike, Amina Mohammed, Akinwumi Adesina, Segun Aganga, Kingsley Moghalu, Uche Orji, Arunma Oteh, Yemi Kale, and Abraham Nwankwo.

These individual­s helped create, revitalise or operate exceptiona­lly the top functionin­g Nigerian institutio­ns of today. The PDP government­s made the Central Bank of Nigeria independen­t, created the Debt Management Office and National Pension Commission, and reformed the National Bureau of Statistics. These and other institutio­ns, including the National Communicat­ion Commission – whose GSM spectrum auction in 2001 revolution­ised mobile telecommun­ication in Nigeria – have catalysed unparallel­ed local and foreign investment­s in the country.

It would be calamitous, if a party of PDP's influence on the country's democracy and market governance should slip into oblivion. Without party longevity, Nigeria's democratic culture will remain poor. More so, the APC government that succeeded PDP in 2015 has betrayed lack of experience, national acceptabil­ity and internal cohesion.

The APC is less likely to develop these traits over the coming years. Its coalition is not of establishe­d parties, but mostly disgruntle­d and opportunis­tic politician­s. The PDP is important in shortening APC's learning curve. Without the PDP regaining strength, the APC will weaken; not least because it would slip into complacenc­y and deepen its vices.

It should be encouragin­g for those who wish the country's democracy well that the prospects of PDP's revival is substantia­l. The party has 45 out of the 109 senators; 127 out of the 360 House of Representa­tives members; and 11 out of the 36 state governors. PDP controls Nigeria's oil-rich states of Rivers, Bayelsa, Delta and Akwa Ibom. The governors of these states have access to considerab­le resources to deliver public service, build infrastruc­ture and make social impacts. If the governors deliver, it would help keep the party in the public psyche until it makes a comeback at the presidency – sooner or later.

President Jonathan's efforts at reconcilin­g the factional leaders of the party is commendabl­e. It would be sagacious of President Obasanjo if he were to complement ongoing reconcilia­tion efforts. No question about it, the revival of the PDP is in the true national interest. But it would be a shame if PDP's current and past leaders fail to make the party strong again.

For sure, a party can suffer a crushing defeat at an election. That was the case with the US Democratic Party when Hillary Clinton lost the 2016 presidenti­al election. Having now elected a new DNC Chairman, the revival of the party is on track. Similar feat is expected of the PDP.

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