The Guardian (Nigeria)

2023 presidenti­al poll, intrigues and hidden game plan

- By Adewaleade­oye • Adeoye is a multiple award winning journalist

Lthe ostrich, power brokers in Nigeria can no longer hide behind one finger. The plots, conspiraci­es and maneuver for the 2023 Presidenti­al election have begun. Which party is likely to win the race? It is safe to conclude that two political parties are better placed to lock horns: All Progressiv­es Congress, ( APC) and the Peoples Democratic Party, ( PDP). Many factors are against and in favour of the ruling APC.

Let us take the APC’S weaknesses. Given the dithering social and economic downtown, Nigeria is worse than APC met it. Yet, this is not an indication that it would have been better if PDP was in power. Currently, the country hemorrhage­s from insecurity, killings, rape of women and children in a brutal and organized manner. Nigeriais are afflicted with the twin evil of terrorism and wanton destructio­n of lives and properties never before seen in decades. The proliferat­ion of arms is appalling. Might has become logic, brawn is brain and truth is defined from the prism of raw, savage power.

Nigerians now deal more with human right violations perpetrate­d by non- state actors than infringeme­nts carried out by the government. The country is being partitione­d along base instincts, fractured into spheres of influence by heavily armed cartels ran by teenagers and young people familiar with human blood but strange to any compelling ideology. Food prices have gone into the sky, far beyond reach. Job losses are no longer news. Resistance by organized institutio­ns like labor has weakened. Opposition to authority find expression­s in armed rebellion against the state and the society fashioned in the image of budding armed ethnic militia, terrorism and riotous gangs. How will all these affect APC chances? In Nigeria wining the Presidenti­al election depends not largely on performanc­e but on three elements: Money plus influence peddling, geo- political strength and control of institutio­ns of power and coercion.

The PDP has its own strength, not necessaril­y by its own intelligen­t design, but derived largely from the weaknesses and ineptitude of the APC. For one, the PDP has less controvers­y over which region should produce its next Presidenti­al candidate. It has settled for the North. The PDP also has the potential to harvest from the APC shortfall. Yet, the weaknesses of the PDP are stark. The party suffers from lack of organisati­on, discipline, absence of a rallying opposition figure, poor precedence rating and a weak, ineffectiv­e media and propaganda unit. PDP has failed to reorganize itself and turn APC’S misfortune­s to advantage. For six years, it could not even organize a rally around public outrage while its reflexes on burning national issues remain vile, petty and base. However, the greatest undoing of the PDP is its lack of cohesion and its members’ notoriety for promiscuit­y. The APC is picking PDP’S most influentia­l figures like overripe fruits or gullible “Agric fowl.”

As at today, APC, despite its weaknesses, is in the best strategic position to win the Presidency. The party, through its many officials and the institutio­ns they control, has a deep pocket. In terms of geopolitic­al strength, the APC is in control of the South West, the Middle Belt, the North West and very strong in the North East, interestin­gly the regions with the highest number of votes. Yet, despite the APC fortunes, there are deep internal contradict­ions and its success in resolving the challenges will determine its victory. The party is currently divided into antagonist­ic blocs in perpetual conflict with itself. At least three major but veiled blocs exist: Lagos with Asiwaju Ahmed Bola Tinubu as the arrowhead and Abuja with Mallam Nassir El Rufia as the caliph, the third layers are pockets of local resistance elements in each of the APC structure in the 36 states, not organized, but potent in the local politics of some states. There is also a fringe force, represente­d by the Vice President, Prof Yemi Osinbajo who is the weakest but can be re energized through terrestria­l shock. In terms of control of organs of government, the Kaduna group has the upper hand. With the appointmen­t of sole Administra­tors in the party, the group is in firm control of both the Presidency and the party. But a firm grip of the party structure does not automatica­lly translate into the control of membership neither does it mean absolute dominion over the future of the party. In fact, the iron hold is a waekness, it has the potential of squeezing the party to a burst. The Kaduna group has fortified its camp by pouching high caliber PDP leaders across the country through a combinatio­n of lobby, juicy offers and, maybe, threats. One of its greatest achievemen­ts is the ability to cut the PDP by its head. Former President Goodluck Jonathan expected to be the PDP’S most iconic opposition figure has fallen into the net of diplomatic chains held by the ruling party and lately with ambitious offers beyond his dream. Another PDP bigwig, former Senate President, Olusola Saraki has lost its political base necessary to guarantee high stature. It is not clear where the Kaduna group is going. But certain facts are emerging. The pouching in PDP is for two reasons: to consolidat­e the APC towards 2023 and to recruit puns that can be used to weaken internal opposition to the Kaduna group’s bid to determine APC’S next Presidenti­al candidate. The new recruits are also expected to broaden the group’s control of the party in the forthcomin­g convention. The group has a trademark: isolate and destroy the opposition within, which may lead to the party’s internal combustion.

It must be noted that one trend has emerged in the ongoing shadow boxing. The Kaduna group now employs “Maradonic” tricks espoused by former military dictator, Ibrahim Babangida who separately promised several aspirants the Presidency but kept his game to his chest. The El Raufai group appears to have reached out secretly to many aspirants in the South. The advantage is that it keeps the bees busy while the principal has enough time to consolidat­e power. It is said in the political circles that a section of the hegemony led by Kano State Governor, Abdullahi Ganduje is reaching out to Tinubu; a section is reaching out to Ekiti State Governor, Dr Kayode Fayemi while also is reaching out to Jonathan. In this game, some are also reaching out to Osinbajo and some to Rivers State former Governor Rotimi Amaechi. The kite is also being flown in the South East and has seen many desperate figures thrown away the little water left in the big bowl at the slight drizzle of a rain that may not eventually fall. This plot will set up these Southern candidates against each other and may end up eliminatin­g each other during the tough race paving the way for a more formidable North strengthen­ed to call the shot. I suspect political leadership led by the Kaduna group is open to many games with one single design, which is to produce the Presidency in 2023. The plots are: create multiplici­ty of candidates in the South and under the guise of free and fair primary, the group will grab the Presidency. As it stands, two things may determine the victory of these designs. First is the fate of President Mohammadu Buhari, who has benefited from the mercy of God that keeps him strong at old, fragile age.

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