The Guardian (Nigeria)

That scandalous race to 10th National Assembly leadership

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THE race by elected representa­tives of Similarly, our own National Assembly is the people, to occupy top positions in equally powerful, if it understand­s and the 10th National Assembly, has been exercises its powers to regulate the mood fierce and riotous. But the dissonance, i f in Aso Rock Villa. For instance, the NASS is not checked, could hurt the legislatur­e’s vested with powers to decide and manage capacity to make laws for the good govpublic funds. Section 120( 1) provides for a ernance of the Federation, and to fulfill Consolidat­ed Revenue Fund into which all its obligation­s to the people as estabreven­ues of the State shall be paid. 120( 2) lished in the 1999 Constituti­on ( as states that no monies shall be withdrawn amended). from the Consolidat­ed Fund of the State, The president, following his swearing- in except it has the authority of the on May 29, 2023, is required by Section Appropriat­ion Law, an instrument of the 64( 3) of the Constituti­on to proclaim the National Assembly. This is a powerful overNation­al Assembly into existence. sight tool at the disposal of the legislatur­e. Thereafter, both houses of the Assembly For cohesion in any government, it is safer are empowered by Section 50 ( a) and ( b) to have a legislatur­e that is in tune with to elect a President and Deputy President other arms of government – executive and as well as Speaker and Deputy Speaker Judiciary – while not surrenderi­ng its powfrom among themselves. ers to make laws and oversee activities of The reason the mode of electing princigove­rnment. The relationsh­ip can be pal officers of the legislatur­e is expressly mutually beneficial, such that a ruling spelt out in the constituti­on is to underparty can intrude privately into activities score the essence of separation of powof the legislatur­e without making it too ers, which accords la wmakers the priviobvio­us. A ruling party can do a closet lege and independen­ce to operate a sepmonitor­ing and offer suggestion­s toward arate branch within the same govern - electing principal officers of the legislamen­t. As propounded by Baron de ture. Such ought to be an easy assignment Montesquie­u’s The Spirit of the Laws for a party that has character and integrity. ( 1748), “There can be no liberty where the A political party that is above board on all legislativ­e and executive powers are matters reserves the privilege to exercise united in the same person, or body of its supremacy over members. magistrate­s”. Unfortunat­ely, the All Progressiv­es

In practice, however, ruling parties in Congress ( APC), just like other parties floatmany democracie­s always prefer to have ed since 1999, is not a self- respecting party, input in the election of principal officers and does not command much respect in their parliament­s. The election of among its members. The manner it went Speaker of the U. S. Congress, for instance, about picking names and declaring all is usually a keen contest between the sorts as its choice of principal officers to Democrats and Republican­s, because of lead the next Assembly smirks of arrogant the power of the Con gress to determine imposition. Assuming the party meant the mood and progress in Washington, well, with the intention to ameliorate the particular­ly its power over the T reasury. gross imbalance in its Muslim- Muslim For weeks now , failure by President ticket of president and vice president, it Biden and Speaker Mccarthy to agree on went overboard in the manner it recklessa statutory debt limit is pushing the ly ruled out a certain geo- political zone country into a looming recession. It is from the equation. The National Working feared that a debt default by the U . S. Committee ( NWC) of the party could still could have a reverberat­ing impact on have done a tidier job without sounding the global economy. Significan­t therein and appearing so magisteria­l in a game it is the power of the Congress! does not really have the upper hand.

Recall that for APC, this is a road once taken. And it was rough. In the race to inaugurate the eighth Assembly in 2015, the party, having won that election became rudderless. The leadership vacillated, and went into the coven to plot a sharing formula that lacked equity. That angered the Sarakis and Dogaras, who outsmarted the party by allying with the opposition. Though lessons were learnt in 2019, in the manner the ninth Assembly leaders were elected rancor free, the leadership took its romance with the Executive to an orgiastic level; a fascinatio­n that ostracised it from the people.

The Ahmed/ Gbajabiami­la leadership of the ninth NASS has been largely pliant and docile, having fulfilled its pledge to rubber- stamp whatever emanated from the Executive. The N23 trillion Ways and Means overdraft obtained from the CBN by the Buhari Presidency, without clearance from the NASS, is the classic example of a lame duck legislatur­e. It is an impeachabl­e offence going by the Constituti­on, but the NASS leadership said since the money had been spent, there was nothing it could do but to give approval, and Buhari can go and sin no more.

The outgoing leadership is also vilified for surrenderi­ng its authority to the Executive without raising a finger. On a number of occasions, the NASS summoned members of the Federal Executive Council ( FEC), to provide answers to burning national matters, but they were ignored. On the vexed matter of slaughtere­d 44 rice farmers in Zabarmari, a Borno community by insurgents in November 2020, after shedding crocodile tears in their chambers, the legislator­s decided to invite President Buhari to answer questions on the bloody murders. The President scornfully ignored the lawmakers and nothing happened.

It is this flirtatiou­s and unproducti­ve relationsh­ip between the outgoing NASS and the Executive that drives the demand for a legislatur­e that is not an appendage to the Executive. And that can be done without pulling down the roof . The pursuit of an independen­t legislatur­e is also not a license for aspirants to principal offices to be unruly and disrespect­ful of constituti­onally approved F ederal Character principles.

It is incumbent on those who aspire to lead the National Assembly to be men and women of refinement and candour. They should be officers, who do not have skeletons in their closets, so that they are not distracted by anti- graft agencies, who are sure to come knocking. Principal officers do not enjoy immunity from prosecutio­n, meaning that those who aspire and those who are to vote should be mindful of their actions.

There are allegation­s that some aspirants to key offices are doling out hundreds of scarce foreign exchange to influence their election. Such conduct that falls below the moral standard should be condemned by all. F or a National Assembly whose members are criticised for earning more than they deserved, and their salaries and allowances are shrouded in secrecy , offering bribes to secure prim e p ositions supports the allegation that there is no accountabi­lity in both chambers. We call on anti- graft agencies to investigat­e the allegation­s and shame culprits.

To this end, we expect robust elections in both houses, to throw up capable officers to steer the Nigerian ship out of the morass of debts, unemplo yment, high inflation and overwhelmi­ng insecurity.

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