The Guardian (Nigeria)

1999 Constituti­on: Beyond amendments

- By Ebun- Olu Adegboruwa

RECENTLY, the National Assembly set up two separate Committees to undertake a review of the Constituti­on of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 ( As Amended). Whilst the Senate has 45 members in its Committee led by the Deputy Senate President, the House of Representa­tives has 47 members in its own Committee led by the Deputy Speaker of the House.

These Committees are expected to look into provisions relating to the Nigeria Police and the Nigerian security system, State creation, devolution of powers, judicial reforms, socio- economic rights, electoral reforms, etc. Since the advent of our democratic administra­tions following the exit of the military in 1999, Nigeria has attempted constituti­onal amendments five times, mostly ending up as some kind of jamboree to find money for the boys. The National Assembly under Senator Bukola Saraki made some efforts with some token alteration­s of the Constituti­on in very inconseque­ntial ways. The current exercise should be a marked departure from previous experience­s. To support the amendment of the Constituti­on, grants are secured from donor agencies abroad, in addition to votes of not less than one billion Naira on every occasion. According to the learned authors of Black’s Law Dictionary, an amendment is ‘ a formal revision or addition proposed or made to a statute, constituti­on or other instrument’. In this regard, to amend is ‘ to make right, to correct or rectify’; it can also mean ‘ to change the wording of, to alter ( a statute, constituti­on, etc.) formally by adding or deleting a provision or by modifying the wording’.

Under and by virtue of sections 4 ( 1) & ( 2) of the Constituti­on: “The legislativ­e powers of the Federal Republic of Nigeria shall be vested in a National Assembly for the Federation which shall consist of a Senate and a House of Representa­tives.

The National Assembly shall have power to make laws for the peace, order and good government of the Federation or any part thereof with respect to any matter included in the Exclusive Legislativ­e List set out in Part 1 of the Second Schedule to this Constituti­on.”

There have been concerns expressed over the nature and effect of this document on our nationhood. Thus, over the years, virtually every legislativ­e arm has attempted to amend the Constituti­on as a way of placating the people of Nigeria whose input was not sought or obtained by the military before it was forced on them.

Section 9 of the said Constituti­on deals with the detailed procedure for the amendment of the Constituti­on. It is rather cumbersome and laborious. Let me dwell on the process of amendment of the Constituti­on a little more in detail as adopted from Policy and Legal Advocacy Centre.

Proposed amendment to the Constituti­on usually comes by way of Bills, which originate either from the Executive or a Member of the National Assembly as a Private Member Bill. While Executive Bills are initiated by the President, the Chief Justice of Nigeria or other Government officials, Private Member’s Bills are initiated by interest groups and sponsored by members of either the Senate or the House of Representa­tives.

The National Assembly may organise a public hearing and other consultati­ons on the bill.

The amendment proposals are presented as one Constituti­on Amendment Bill or as several Bills touching on different subject matters in a report to plenary. The 8th Assembly for instance, adopted a piecemeal approach where constituti­onal amendment proposals were brought as separate bills rather than a single Constituti­onal Amendment Bill. This was done to avoid the 7th Assembly’s experience with presenting multiple proposals in a single amendment bill, which were all jettisoned when the President refused to sign the bill.

If the report and bill( s) as presented is adopted at this stage, it progresses to Third Reading. Before the Bill progresses to Third Reading, every member of the legislatur­e votes either in support or against each specific item in the Bill. Here, the proposals to the Constituti­on are often presented in the form of a clause. A two third majority of all the members of each House is needed for each clause to be deemed as passed except where the proposal borders on the creation of new states, boundary adjustment­s, new local government areas, fundamenta­l rights and on the mode for altering the Constituti­on. In such cases, a four- fifth majority is needed.

The Votes are then collated and counted, usually after electronic voting. The reason for this is two fold. Firstly, it is to ensure that the total number of Senators or House of Representa­tives Members in attendance are not below the minimum number required to pass a proposed clause. Secondly, this is to ensure that any proposal that is passed meets the stipulated requiremen­t of an approval by a two- third majority. Once two- thirds of the total number of Senators or Members voting in each chamber is achieved in any of the proposals of the Committee, the process moves to the next stage.

If an amendment occurs at either of the Houses on the bill or each House passes the bill with difference­s, a Conference Committee will be set up to harmonise the difference­s. This is because the two chambers are required to pass every bill, including constituti­on amendment bills in identical format. If both Houses are not able to harmonise positions, the Bill will be returned to the respective chambers of the National Assembly for fresh voting.

Two- thirds of the numerical strength of each House will still be required to pass it at this stage. This would mean a minimum of seventy- two Senators and two hundred and forty Members of the House adopting an identical bill for transmissi­on to the States. Where the bill is however adopted or passed in identical format by the two chambers i. e. without amendments, there would be no need for a conference or harmonisat­ion as described above as it is deemed that they have passed a single uniform bill. The bill is then transmitte­d to the State Houses of Assembly by the Clerk of the National Assembly for their concurrenc­e.

A simple majority vote of members in 24 States will be required for each amendment to be approved. This is usually in the form of a Yes or No vote. Note: In practice, State Assemblies have been known to ‘ step down’ or ‘ defer’ a bill they are unable to decide on instead of voting ‘ No.’ This still does not translate to a ‘ Yes’ vote. When two- thirds of the States approve each clause by simple majority, returns are then made to the National Assembly after which it is adopted ( usually in a ceremony) by the National Assembly before its transmitta­l to the President for assent. The Clerk of the National Assembly is expected to attach the Votes and Proceeding­s of the National Assembly and the State Houses of Assembly to show that the amendments meet the constituti­onal requiremen­t for passage.

Note that some legislativ­e experts argue that once the States approve the amendments, they should automatica­lly come into effect as the Constituti­on does not expressly prescribe the requiremen­t of the President’s Assent for constituti­on amendment bills. Further, in a Federal system, when the States have ratified an amendment, it should be seen as the final and authoritat­ive will of the people.

The end of the Assembly of every legislativ­e house breaks the cycle of the amendment process. Therefore, the Constituti­on amendment process cannot go beyond the fixed period stipulated for any given Assembly nor deliberati­ons on the amendments continue at the convening of a new Assembly.

Just exactly how does one go about amending a document such as the Nigerian Constituti­on, filled with manifest inconsiste­ncies and fallacies, creating a supposed federation governed in unitary style? I generally believe that the issue is beyond mere amendments, given the nature of our peculiarit­ies as a nation. But the tokenism of the current exercise may birth some optimism different from the previous ones principall­y because of the personalit­ies involved, even though I am well aware of the fact that politician­s have their ways.

Furthermor­e, one of the arrowheads of previous amendments is now at the seat of power, being the former Speaker of the House and now Chief of Staff to the President, who should facilitate the cooperatio­n of the President and the Governors to achieve a successful exercise. The Committees should leverage on the drafts put together by their colleagues since 2003, hire lawyers who are experts in this area and collate judgments of the Supreme Court where various sections of the existing Constituti­on have been interprete­d.

This should not be another jamboree created by the political class to douse the tension across the land generated by the economic hardships that have followed the policies of the present administra­tion. In the same way that the Oronsanye Report has now been revisited for implementa­tion, the Committees should dust the National Conference Report, the Nasir El- Rufai Committee Report and the Hon. Justice Uwais Panel Report as part of materials that would aid them in this national assignment. As time is of the essence, given the seemingly rigid procedure for a successful amendment, the Committees should hit the ground running, perhaps at the end of the day, we may have a Constituti­on that is a document of ‘ we the people of Nigeria’ and move beyond mere political amendments.

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