Ambassador Aminu Wali’s Scorecard in One Year (I)
Sola Enikanolaiye Ambassador Aminu Wali, mni, CON, assumed duties on 5thMarch 2014, he presided the affairs of the Ministry from Professor Viola Adaku Onwuliri, the former Supervising Minister and current Honourable Minister of State for Education. In his maiden address to the Top Management Staff of the Ministry, the Minister explained his vision in three parts, which is aimed at leaving a sound and effective management of human, financial and material resources, consolidate existing relations with friendly nations and building strategic alliance around issues germane to Nigeria national interest. One year on, how far the incumbent Honourable Minister of Foreign Affairs (HMFA) has gone in actualizing this vision is the theme of this piece.
Internal systems and processes in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Ambassador Wali took charge of the Ministry at a time of irregular remittance of funds, including drastic cuts in allocation, lack of prudence in the management of scarce financial and material resources and a huge debt overhang. At his maiden meeting with members of the Top Management staff of the Ministry, Ambassador Wali promised to pursue, as a matter of priority, curtailment of expenditure and to, enthrone prudence in the management of resources. He also promised to operate an open door consultative policy with management and staff of the Ministry. He committed himself to boosting staff morale, especially among the Directors of the Ministry, many of who are facing challenges fulfilling their legitimate career expectations of being appointed Ambassadors. He also undertook to address the staff succession gap in the Ministry so as to guarantee a greater future for the Ministry as the top echelon of the Service was set to retire in the next two-four years.
The Foreign Minister said famously as someone coming from a private sector background, that you do not spend money that you do not have by living above your means all the time. He therefore proceeded to impose strict rules and control on international travels, which he insisted must be approved in all cases by him. The size of the Ministry’s delegations to conferences and meeting abroad was severely curtailed. Without detracting from effective representation and participation in those meetings and events, Nigerian Missions abroad were to be fully deployed to cover them rather than sending large retinue of diplomats from home.
At the time Ambassador Wali assumed duties, the controversy over the retirement of Directors on the account of the 8-year tenure on the basis of notional date has just been resolved in favour of those Directors. Their return has polarized the Ministry, with negative impact on inter-personal relations and work. The HMFA took the bull by the horns by reconciling the protagonists with the antagonists, thereby restoring unity and espirit de corps to the Service.
Minister Wali’s open door consultative approach has respect and admiration in the Ministry. He has insisted that the statutory bodies and internal organs of the Ministry such as the Top Management Staff meeting, the Situation Forum, Departmental meetings to hold regularly, to promote ownership and quality of decision making. He has nurtured close working relationship with the new Permanent Secretary, Ambassador Danjuma Nanpon Sheni who, in turn, has reciprocated with respect and decorum.
Foreign Policy and Counter-Terrorism
The consistent dastardly acts perpetuated by Boko Haram prompted the need for combined coordinated efforts by Nigeria’s security agencies and their counterparts from neighbouring countries. The Foreign Minister recognized that Boko Haram has become an existential threat not only to Nigeria but also to countries in the sub-region. That is why he embarked upon a deliberate policy of engagement with countries of the Lake Chad Basin Commission (Cameroon, Chad, Niger) and Benin Republic in rejuvenating the Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJFT) for an effective counterinsurgency operations. Many do not realize that the joint force established in1998 predates the Boko Haram insurgency, but was largely moribund but had to be re-invented to face current security challenges.
In search for practical solutions to the menace of Boko Haram, President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan did not hesitate to reach out to ECOWAS, the African Union and Nigeria’s development partners, especially the UK, USA, France, China and the European Union. The President supported by the Foreign Minister, attended the meetings of the Summits of ECOWAS and the African Union, soliciting support for Nigeria’s counter-insurgency operations. It was in this spirit that Mr President attended the Paris Summit in recognition of the strategic role of France in its relations with its erstwhile colonies in Africa that constitute Nigeria’s immediate neighbours. This geopolitical reality seems to have been lost on some critics who contend that Nigeria should not have gone to France in seeking to address Boko Haram as a regional threat. A Regional Intelligence Fusion Centre (RIFU) has since been established in Abuja, arising from Nigeria’s diplomatic exertions.
Without the full cooperation and support of our neighbours, bolstered by France, Boko Haram would have found it easier to launch crossborder operations while establishing safe havens in those countries from where they could have continued to operate. The Honourable Minister of Foreign Affairs, Ambassador Aminu Wali on Nigeria’s assertion said and I quote “…the pooling of intelligence, immigration and customs administration along common borders, terrorists would have been denied safe havens for arms and light weapons across our common borders…”.
Through adroit diplomacy, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs has been able to build a solid consensus and collaborative partnership in support of Nigeria’s counter-insurgency efforts. The Minister has succeeded in salvaging the MNJTF which virtually collapsed in January 2015 with the withdrawal of Chadian and Nigerien forces. The four countries have since rededicated themselves to joint military action against the insurgents with recent remarkable gains. The MNJTF, which ran into troubled waters a few months over such controversial issues as the right of hot pursuit and cross border operations have since been rejuvenated. As a result, Cameroon, Chad and Niger have deployed troops and have bolstered Nigeria military campaign leading to progressive recapture of towns and villages hitherto under the control of Boko Haram in the north east.
Some commentators have upbraided Nigeria for allowing less endowed Cameroon, Chad and Niger, to assist in fighting Boko Haram and retaking territories from them. According to the Defence Headquarters, Nigeria’ strategy “…was in line with the arrangement for a comprehensive and coordinated military operations with inputs by military forces in the Lake Chad Basin Commission, namely, Nigeria, Chad, Niger and Cameroon…”
Apart from the fact that the involvement of these sisterly and neighbouring African countries arose from a regional arrangement to tackle a regional challenge, such views are totally misleading and failing to appreciate the nature of terrorism as an international phenomenon requiring global and regional action. No country no matter how powerful, even the United States can fight terrorism alone. If the US could have done this all by itself, there would have been no need for the super-power to mobilize the “Coalition of the Willing” against the Taliban, Al-Qaeda and ISIS.
Besides, it can be argued that for countries like Chad and Niger, it is payback time. It is recalled Nigeria paid a critical role in fighting off attempts by Ghaddaffi’s Libya to dismember Chad in the 1980s, including the annexation of the Auozou Strip and the fratricidal civil war that ensued in that country. Nigeria hosted several peace conferences in Lagos and Kano, which resulted in the deployment of the OAU Peace Keeping Force commanded by Nigeria’s Major General Geoffrey Ejiga. It was estimated that Nigeria spent over US$80 million on this operation on behalf of the defunct OAU, which was never refunded.
It was also Nigeria’s intervention in Chad through logistics, material and financial support that prevented the rebel advance against N’djamena in 2007 and 2008. I need not mention Nigeria’s historic contributions to the social-economic development and political stability of Benin, Chad and Niger, anchored on the strong social and cultural bonds between Nigeria and the four neighbouring countries.
While the some Western powers were evidently reluctant to assist in the supply of arms and equipment for Nigeria’s counter-insurgency operations, it is remarkable that a number of countries have proved to be reliable partners and genuine friends of Nigeria in this regard. As a popular adage goes, it is at moments of adversity that true friends are counted. In this connection, special mention must be made of ECOWAS and the African Union for their solidarity and support and to South Africa, Russia, Belarus, China, Ukraine, Czech Republic, Algeria, and Tunisia, among others.
Nigeria at the United Nations General Assembly and Security Council
On the margins of the 69th United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) in September 2014 in New York, Ambassador Aminu Wali held bilateral meetings with some of his colleagues from other parts of the world. Worthy of note was his meeting with the Russian Foreign Minister, Mr Sergie Lavrov, who indicated his country’s strong commitment to offer training, equipment and other logistic support to the Nigerian Armed Forces and Security Agencies in counter-insurgency operations against Boko Haram. This commitment has renewed Nigeria’s time-tested relations with Russia. Plans are currently underway for the Minister to visit Russia and other countries in the region.
Nigeria also had a robust outing during UNGA as the size of Nigeria delegation was drastically reduced to 3 officials per MDAs by Minister Wali. Based on his experience as Nigeria’s Ambassador and Permanent Representative to the United Nations, he caused a comparative study of the size of delegations from other countries to the annual UNGA such as South Africa, Ghana, Brazil, Germany, etc. He came to the conclusion that Nigerian delegations to previous UNGA were often far too large and needed to be drastically reduced. He got the approval of Mr President to reduce the delegation to the maximum of 3(three) per Ministry, Department and Agency of Government. Initially, it was thought impossible that the size of the Nigerian delegation could be so reduced, but Minister stuck to his guns. He instructed that no official arriving in New York should be accredited at the United Nations unless he/she was cleared to attend and subject to the maximum set for each MDAs. Aside from the savings in foreign exchange, Nigeria was saved from the embarrassment of large, loud and unruly delegations that have had little or no role to play at the United Nations beyond profligate shopping in New York.