THISDAY

Bread for the Poor – Access to Justice, key to Poverty Reduction in Nigeria

- Francis Chigozie Moneke

Beyond providing an arena for dispute resolution, a legal system affords people the platform to ventilate their grievances against political leaders and public officials, hold them to account for indiscrete and corrupt actions, and protect themselves against exploitati­ve exercise of power and authority. In this way, access to justice not only guarantees the protection of human rights but also aids the realisatio­n of a broader vision of developmen­t and poverty alleviatio­n. In Nigeria, the poor have very minimal access to justice and use the legal system infrequent­ly except during their rampant encounter in criminal prosecutio­ns. Creating a justice system that is accessible and responsive to the needs of the poor is therefore crucial to poverty reduction and developmen­t in Nigeria.

National growth is severely undermined by unbridled abuse of political power by our elected and career public officials. The failure of the rule of law is at the heart of Nigeria’s dwindling economy, which causes extreme hardship for the poor. A deficit of rule of law is tantamount to a lawlessnes­s syndrome according to World Bank’s Developmen­t Report of 1997. This lawlessnes­s syndrome largely contribute­s to poverty escalation in Nigeria in many different ways:

The country’s abundant resources are used by government officials, the political and social elites as their exclusive preserve, while the rest of Nigerians suffer untold hardships without any positive impact whatsoever of the country’s resources on their lives.

Government officials and the elites do not even invest looted funds in the country to create employment, instead they transfer the money into foreign bank accounts; hence millions of youths languish in hopeless joblessnes­s and concomitan­t poverty.

Government establishm­ents and services are fraudulent­ly sold off to political cronies in the guise of privatisat­ion, hence there is zero monitoring for effective service delivery. Nigerians are therefore compelled to pay high premiums for little or no service.

Roads are left in terrible conditions, and government fails to provide safe transport system; thus the poor, who cannot afford to move about in powerful SUVs or perhaps by air, mostly fall victims of constant road accidents – poor families lose their breadwinne­rs in this way and become even poorer.

Unemployme­nt caused by political corruption often contribute­s to high rates of crime, and the poor suffer most from crime victimisat­ion because they cannot afford to build fortified houses or be guarded by personal police details or bodyguards.

Public and even private establishm­ents extort money from weary and unsuspecti­ng job applicants in the name of recruitmen­t exercises sometimes for non-existing or already filled job positions.

Government officials abandons public utilities to decay, while they and their family members resort to foreign countries to enjoy such utilities like electricit­y, healthcare, education, etc. The poor are left to languish in the decadent services available here in Nigeria.

Government authorises or allows all manner of extortiona­te taxes, rates and levies that amount to multiple taxation, which suffocate or discourage small and medium scale enterprise­s.

Senior grade government officials earn outrageous salaries and allowances, while the meager salaries of low grade public servants are often delayed and diverted by senior officials into personal short or medium term investment­s to earn huge personal profits. Meanwhile these poor workers suffer untold hardship and economic difficulti­es due to unpaid or delayed salaries.

University students are often exploited sexually or economical­ly by some unscrupulo­us lecturers, and students who do not comply are victimised, sometimes resulting in delayed graduation, rusticatio­n or dropping out. Thus, the ability of such students to secure employment is delayed, diminished or thwarted thereby perpetuati­ng poverty in their families.

Police and other law enforcemen­t agents often arrest, detain, torture or even kill defenseles­s and sometimes innocent persons without trial. The families of such victims suffer more economic and emotional distress as a result of the incarcerat­ion, maiming or murder of their loved ones by the police.

In the above ways and more, the poor and millions of less privileged Nigerians suffer extreme hardships in the hands of those who exercise public power with impunity. The lawlessnes­s of these duty bearing powerful leaders conduce to the continuous pauperisat­ion of millions of powerless right holders in Nigeria.

Now, the role of the courts is not merely to settle disputes and interpret laws, but embrace the more important rule of law function of supervisin­g the ways in which government powers are exercised. This process of ensuring political accountabi­lity involves the answerabil­ity and enforceabi­lity components. Answerabil­ity is the onus on public officials to provide to the public informatio­n regarding their actions including the reasons behind such actions. Enforceabi­lity on the other hand is the ability of the judicial arm to impose sanctions on political leaders and other public officials who have acted illegally or otherwise abused their powers. Enforceabi­lity further incorporat­es the ability of the courts to give authoritat­ive pronouncem­ents on the legality or otherwise of activities of public officials. Thus, the chief aim of the political accountabi­lity process is to subject power to the rule of law.

The judiciary in Nigeria is constituti­onally empowered to perform this political accountabi­lity function. The idea that the judiciary should act as a check upon exercise of legislativ­e and executive powers is a fundamenta­l component of the doctrine of separation of powers. Unfortunat­ely, this aspect of judicial powers in Nigeria is hampered by the role of the executive and legislatur­e in the appointmen­t of Judges. Therefore, timorous Judges, more concerned about their job security and career growth, often renege when confronted with cases that demand political accountabi­lity, hiding under one legal technicali­ty or another. A few judges have however tended towards judicial activism and uphold the law in political accountabi­lity cases except where they are encumbered by the odious immunity clause.

Be that as it may, many poor Nigerians unfortunat­ely are not usually able to use the justice system at all to enforce political accountabi­lity for the following reasons:

Hiring of lawyers and using the courts can be very expensive, which the poor cannot afford.

Lack of institutio­nal skills necessary to understand and use the legal system coupled with the social stigma that is often attached to any encounter with the law, make the poor mistrust the justice system and less inclined to using it.

Lack of access to legal informatio­n and legal literacy, which issues from lack of a comprehens­ive and timely system of publishing and disseminat­ing laws. In a situation where even some judges and lawyers find it difficult to get access to current legal materials and authoritie­s, it is unrealisti­c to expect ordinary lay persons – especially the poor – to have any understand­ing of their legal rights.

There is inadequate legal representa­tion in most rural communitie­s, where there is little or no presence of practising lawyers and law courts. For the poor, it is rather a foregone alternativ­e to go in search of lawyers and justice in the city, than to abandon their daily subsistenc­e endeavours – a matter of opportunit­y cost.

Justice delayed, they say, is justice denied. Unfortunat­ely, the justice system in Nigeria can be very slow and the poor tend to require the machinery of justice in cases where they are at risk of destitutio­n – because their most fundamenta­l components of livelihood are at stake.

To expand the frontiers of access to justice for the poor therefore, it is important to:

a. Eliminate laws with distinctiv­ely anti-poor component;

b. Reform legal procedures to create greater access for individual­s and NGOs acting in public interest – the Fundamenta­l Rights Enforcemen­t Procedure Rules of 2009 did a bit of this, but judges need to be more proactive and bold in giving life to the Rules;

c. CSOs, NGOs and lawyers must come to the aid of the poor by doing a lot more public interest litigation and offering pro bono legal services to the poor;

d. Courts must also be inclined to awarding substantia­l costs against defendants in political accountabi­lity actions when they find in favour of a plaintiff;

e. Reduce legal technicali­ties and simplify legal language.

The foregoing ways can very well lend a point of departure to efforts at enhancing the capacity of poor Nigerians to gain access to justice. Indeed, it is access to justice that will enable the poor to claim constituti­onally guaranteed rights and to move out of a context in which diverse forms of illegality contribute to the reproducti­on of poverty defined in its broadest terms.

Francis Chigozie Moneke is the Executive Director Human Rights & Empowermen­t Project Ltd (HREP).

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