UNRAVELLING THE ENIGMA

Tunji Olaopa pays tribute to Olusegun Obasanjo, former President of Nigeria, at age 80

For better or for worse, no one can doubt the significance of Chief Olusegun Aremu Obasanjo to the Nigerian state and its future. Having gathered friends and foes alike, OBJ has become a force to be reckoned with. One can say, without any fear of contradiction, that Baba OBJ remains the singular most important living political factor today with regard to the dynamics of the Nigerian state. And, having entered into the sacred octogenarian circle, I do not expect any slowing down in terms of his acerbic capacity to speak bluntly about his assessment of the governance and leadership situation in his beloved country. Let me use this opportunity to wish Baba a happy birthday. As a son, I take extreme delight in the enigmatic existence of a man who has steadfastly refused to fade away despite the many attempts to silence him. In the face of overwhelming oppositions, criticisms, provocations and disparagements, Obasanjo has remained undaunted and unrelenting. His continuing relevance, I long suspect, owes a lot to the force of his charismatic personality, his historical situatedness at a significant juncture in Nigeria’s history, his obsession with significant ideas about nation-building and diplomacy and finally his adroit understanding of realpolitik.

His 80th birthday celebration coincides with the formal opening of the Olusegun Obasanjo Presidential Library (OOPL). And this was flagged off by a colloquium to precede the launch. I was invited to this colloquium, and was surprisingly invited to make a statement. I have known Chief Obasanjo for so many years and in so many capacities. Our relationship was not just formal; it was founded on a solid tradition of a father-son dynamics that encompasses so many trajectories, from personal to professional. Thus, as I made my way to the podium for the statement after about three minutes notice by Prof. Ayo Tella, the Master of Ceremony, I was assailed by a fundamental confusion: From what angle and within what perspective was I supposed to make my statement about this larger-than-life man who has practically become a real life Wizard? I thought I could always make a speech, but for once I could not decide which line to pick out of a large pool of nuanced reading of a man that is complexity personified until I found myself in the podium. How do I compact several years of relationship into a two-minute remark? Fortunately for me, the occasion for the formal launch of the Presidential Library provides another rich avenue to unpack the essence of an enigma. I therefore made some appropriate noises at the colloquium. But here I am again.

Contrary to those who see and say all things bad and negative about OBJ, my engagement with him has always bothers on a significant mix of the personal and the critical within a historical timeline that coincided with my own professional development and coming of age in Nigeria. In my past assessment of his politics, I have used the adjective “Machiavellian” to describe his political personality. But the historical confusion surrounding that word actually serves my purpose and sets me apart from the chorus of the OBJ-bashers. In the history of political thought, Niccolò Machiavelli remains one of the most vilified, especially with regard to his understanding of politics and the significance of political action. Thus, this perception created a negative connotation given to the term “Machiavellian.” Thus, a Machiavellian politician would be someone who places instrumental desires before scruples; someone for whom the end justifies the means! And there is no one who signifies such a Machiavellian figure than Olusegun Obasanjo. But most of the literature on Machiavelli conveniently ignores the fact that Machiavelli agonised over the fate and political future of medieval Florence and its republican pedigree. It is through that nationalist but pragmatic template that I perceive Obasanjo as Machiavellian.

Fortunately for me, my contact and engagement with OBJ commenced within the ambit of my learning and research as a student of political science and political theory at the University of Ibadan in the 80s. I was at the point of giving contextual focus to my theoretical understanding of political theory when I was invited to an interview as a research assistant to Chief Obafemi Awolowo. That interview gave me an opportunity to explore a political counter-narrative of how Awolowo’s politics could have turned out better first for what I have since called the precarious future of the Yoruba and also for the future of Nigeria. This counter-narrative was situated within a philosophical analysis of Awolowo’s understanding of the role of federalism in Nigeria’s future and the debilitating outcomes of the Awolowo-Akintola conflict within the context of Yoruba politics. That interview was one of my bold moments in my career; being so boldly critical of your to-be employer especially one that you revere, and I was convinced I had been clever by half. But Chief Awolowo apparently thought otherwise because I got the job!

When Awolowo finally transited, I had to decide to take the research further under the supervision of Prof. Peter Ekeh. Ekeh’s seminal thesis of the “two publics” had already become a distinctive analytical framework for assessing the African political sphere. And it seemed just right for me to work within that template to frame my research into the dynamics of Nigerian politics. Obasanjo was already becoming a public figure as military head of state who was instrumental to the commencement of civil rule in 1979. His model of national engagement therefore became a unique one to be counterpoised to Awolowo’s, in spite of Papa Awo’s unrivalled legacies in the South-West. For me, it was a case of the Machiavellian contra the Platonic. As a Machiavellian, Chief Obasanjo is aware of the stark necessity of realpolitik in disentangling the governance complexity and political intrigues that define Nigeria. Since its evolution, the Nigerian state has grown to a huge complex proportion that has swallowed many a visionary leaders. It swallowed Murtala Muhammed. And OBJ has been a good student of politics. Like Machiavelli, in terms of politics, modern Nigeria is as nightmarish as medieval Florence. Both generate intrigues, assassinations, embezzlement, alliances and dalliances, patriotism and disaffection, and all other kinds of political and non-political affairs that are favourable and unfavourable to the growth and progress of the state. Such a political context demands not just any leadership but one with a realistic understanding of what needed to be done in terms of instrumental manoeuverings if vision is to be imposed on political chaos. It is this political realism that distinguishes Machiavelli from a host of other political theorists in history. In fact, it is his insistence that politics must be analysed from the perspective of what it is, and not what it ought to be, that became the first impulse for the birth of modern political science. Without this realism, Machiavelli would not have survived the political landmines that littered Florence. He was nearly consumed, and his vision of a strong republican heritage for Florence was nearly abolished.

From his military trainings to his first political appearance as second in command to Murtala Muhammed and then later as military head of state, OBJ has evolved until he returned as a democratically elected president in 1999. And from then, his stature and significance has grown into the colossal. I have used Winston Churchill’s description of Russia as the template for unpacking him—OBJ is essentially a riddle wrapped in a mystery inside an enigma. And this explained why he has generated an OBJ industry in Nigeria and across the globe; an industry of haters, admirers, critics and even sycophants. And added to this is the fact that Providence has set him apart as one so blessed of God. You really just need to wonder how a person could survive the Nigerian military establishment (especially as a coup plotter), survive Abacha’s death trap, survive two significant moments as president, survive the ravages of age and still remain relevant as statesman. And it seems to me that Obasanjo’s statesmanship remains solidly national in a sense that Awolowo and Tinubu are not. Let me explain. The real issue for Nigeria’s integration project is that of how to translate ethnic animosity to civic patriotism. This implies that a truly national leader must be one that has the capacity to transcend ethnic politics and contribute to the solid establishment of the civic public in Nigeria. Leadership in Nigeria since independence has always been tinged with an ethnic coloration. From Awolowo to Azikiwe to Ahmadu Bello, the regional and ethnic factor has remained an albatross around many a charismatic leader. The political clout of Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu is enormous with his aspiration towards national credibility. But Obasanjo trumps everyone else for the simple reason that he was able to breakthrough to the North twice. Of course, he did so without the support of the Yoruba, and with the suspicion that he was only a crony of the North. But his legacy goes beyond just being a national or even a global figure. In fact, the suspicion that attended his two-time presidency especially by his own people only goes to attest to his detribalised credentials. The whole of Nigeria is the locus of Obasanjo’s operation. Since he handed over power to Shehu Shagari in 1979, OBJ has been concerned about the Nigerian project, even if in a curious sense.

OBJ IS ESSENTIALLY A RIDDLE WRAPPED IN A MYSTERY INSIDE AN ENIGMA. AND THIS EXPLAINED WHY HE HAS GENERATED AN OBJ INDUSTRY IN NIGERIA AND ACROSS THE GLOBE; AN INDUSTRY OF HATERS, ADMIRERS, CRITICS AND EVEN SYCOPHANTS. AND ADDED TO THIS IS THE FACT THAT PROVIDENCE HAS SET HIM APART AS ONE SO BLESSED OF GOD