RESTRUCTURING AND THE NORTHERN LEADERSHIP (1)

Emma Nwosu argues that it is time to restructure the political system for the benefit of all

Co-existence should make the parties better off - and not worse off - than they would otherwise be. This should be the first principle of federation of groups. The second is equal citizenship and rights. But the Nigerian federation is the opposite. It is lopsided and in disequilibrium. Few are smiling while many are shortchanged. For example, the occupation and environment of the people of Niger Delta have been devastated by crude oil exploration to finance the whole country, without remediation while, for some, educational advancement has been decelerated by the quota system of admission to public schools.

In truth, this condition has its origin in the mission of the colonial master, Britain, to under develop Nigeria for exploitation which dovetailed into the ambition of the favoured Northern leadership to bring the entire country under its political and religious control, overtly and covertly. The lopsided design of the federation; the suppression of minorities of Northern Region and the 1962 to 1966 political crises of Western Region that largely prompted the January 15, 1966, coup d’etat; the repudiation of Aburi Accord that precipitated the civil war; the suppression of tribe and religion in census parameters to minimise certain groups; the crippling of federalism by over-centralisation of political and economic controls on the federal government; the annulment of the election to the Presidency, for the first time, of a Southerner in 1993; the Northernisation of security, internal affairs and other critical agencies of state as well as manoeuvres on school curriculum, the bid for grazing reserves all over the country and the activities of militant herdsmen who rape, kill and sack communities without being squarely interdicted by the federal government which controls both security agencies and judiciary; among other issues, are attributed to the mission and ambition. It will be very pleasing if proved otherwise.

Both predator and victim must now come to their senses to arrest the ominous trajectory of Nigeria, which could only lead to mutual perdition, before it is too late. The basis of beneficial co-existence mutually agreed by her founding fathers - freedom of religion, resource control and devolution of fiscal responsibilities and legislative powers to federating units - to take their fate in their hands, look inwards and put Nigeria back in business by diversifying the economy and revenue sources away from crude oil needs to be restored to re-ignite healthy competition in good governance, education and social welfare, etc., in which there will be no choice than to become merit and people-oriented and accountable in order to succeed, as was the case in the First Republic.

Not much can be done about corruption and nepotism until you return power to the people and resources to the owners and motivate them to be accountable, productive and fend for themselves. Corruption largely derives from the dependency, greed and ‘sharing’ mentality towards crude oil revenues, at the expense of economic diversification. We are spoilt children of a polygamous home, squabbling over limited food in the kitchen, instead of each mother daring the weather to the fertile fields with her children to compete and harvest food in abundance. The manag-

THE BASIS OF BENEFICIAL CO-EXISTENCE MUTUALLY AGREED BY OUR FOUNDING FATHERS - FREEDOM OF RELIGION, RESOURCE CONTROL AND DEVOLUTION OF FISCAL RESPONSIBILITIES AND LEGISLATIVE POWERS TO FEDERATING UNITS - NEEDS TO BE RESTORED TO RE-IGNITE HEALTHY COMPETITION IN GOOD GOVERNANCE, EDUCATION AND SOCIAL WELFARE

ers of the kitchen (those in power and authority) and their collaborators in the private sector then manipulate the system to favour themselves and their enclaves and cronies, at the expense of objective measures that can move the country forward. The system is more to blame than the person and should be first to be changed.

Let the Nigerian federation be restructured into six or eight semiautonomous regions, divided equally between the North and the South, to minimise ethnic and religious domination, foster self-actualisation of individuals and groups; reduce material incentives for political office and state power and reduce the cost of government to less than 10 per cent of public revenues, among others. Let us have a unicameral legislature. Let ministers, legislators and other public officers live among the people, drive their own cars and collect modest allowances, etc., as is done in progressive societies and in the service of professional and social organisations, not as it was done for the colonial master. Let the Armed Forces and the Police each be re-organised into equal regional formations, with a central command appointed by all the regions. Let there be a central contributory stabilisation fund for national emergencies and for bailing out deficit regions which meet certain prudential criteria. The overall purpose of restructuring is to make Nigeria more egalitarian, united in diversity, productive and stronger, without shortchanging anybody.

It is ominous for Northern leadership to pretend that it needs time to digest the concept of political and economic restructuring whereas it was the protagonist of regional autonomy and even outright confederation and secession until it became glued to Nigeria by crude oil and by over-centralisation of political and economic controls on the federal government which it has seemingly cornered for all time. Britain favoured it against Southern Nigeria before stepping aside. Then it got everything demanded from its southern counterparts to remain with the federation. It ought to consider the plight of others.

For example, whereas other principalities in pre-colonial Nigeria (such as the Aros and the Binis) confronted the colonialist as interloper, it deftly collaborated with him by the system of indirect rule. In return, Britain, before stepping aside, conferred huge bargaining advantage on it by, among other measures, refusing a separate region for Northerners who are neither Moslem nor Fulani nor Hausa, leaving it a behemoth constituency; locating all critical military and coercive infrastructure in the region and allocating it more population and parliamentary seats than the three Southern regions, combined.

Two, then, Sir Ahmadu Bello, Premier of Northern Region, made it a special project to swamp the Nigerian armed forces with Northern youths (some with lower qualifications than their Southern counterparts) who were given accelerated training - as if he foresaw the prolonged military rule. His foresight helped Northern leadership to win the Nigerian civil war and to remain in control in both military and civilian dispensations. The baton is still on, with the Nigerian security services largely Northernised as at today.