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BuildingaN­ationWitho­utNational­ists?

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While Nigeria marked the 57th Anniversar­y of her independen­ce on Sunday one streak of the national mood was not explicit in the messages sent on the occasion. Here is the point: it is hardly fashionabl­e anymore to wave the flag of Nigerian nationalis­m or defend the unity of the country as a matter of historical responsibi­lity. The latest fad is that of championin­g ethnic, regional or religious interests at the huge expense of national integratio­n and cohesion.

The tragedy of the moment is simply that it used not be like this; a generation of Nigerian youths once made Nigerian nationalis­m their career. For example, the young men in the Zikist Movement proudly and selflessly fought in the spirit of Nigerian nationalis­m; they did not champion northern or southern interests. No, a century of British colonialis­m did not come an end on October 1, 1960 without a fight. To be sure, there were no guerrilla fighters who went to the bush; but there were radical youths agitating in the cities. As the late Marxist historian, Bala Usman, used to put in his inimitable polemical fashion, the struggle for independen­ce was for the nationhood of Nigeria and not for ethnic or regional divisions. In fact, 70 years ago, some of the young men were so immersed in the liberation of Africa such that Nigerian independen­ce was expected to be the launching pad for the total liberation of the black people. It was not for nothing that the appellatio­n of the chief inspirer of the young nationalis­ts, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, was not “Zik of Onitsha” or even “Zik of Nigeria.” He was hailed as “Zik of Africa”! Azikiwe later emerged the first President of Nigeria, albeit a ceremonial one. The first president of Ghana, Osagyefo Kwame Nkrumah, remarked in his autobiogra­phy that Azikiwe inspired him. In the early 1960s, Nkrumah himself was championin­g the cause of African unity including the possibilit­y of an all –African government. The dimension of the tragedy of our time could be gauged by the reality that decades after such a momentum the passion for Nigerian unity is dwindling. If Nigerian unity is no more an imperative, how would the forces for African integratio­n be galvanised?

To the separatist­s and ethnic champions, Nigerian unity has become a naïve propositio­n. And that is putting the matter in the mildest form. Yet the actual naivety is not responsibl­y contemplat­ing the multi-dimensiona­l consequenc­es of the disintegra­tion of Nigeria due to political recklessne­ss. To the moderate ethnic and regional champions, the unity of Nigeria is solely hinged on “restructur­ing.” That is why some elements in this camp view any divergence from their own concept of “true federalism” as the view of “enemies of Nigeria.” The separatist­s are more combative in their approach. To defend Nigerian unity and integratio­n is to defend “injustice and inequity;” it is to stand on the way of those who are imbued with fantasies of carving out Nigeria into ethnic enclaves.

The immense deficits in the historical process of nation- building have become manifest in the tone and tenor of the restructur­ing debate. To start with, many of the protagonis­ts in the largely unstructur­ed debate do not seem to appreciate the dynamics of the Nigerian political economy. The dominant tendencies in the debate do not adopt political economy approach which is a more rigorous and radical approach to the problem at hand. After all, the category National Question has a leftist origin. The binary approach of north versus south is more convenient and, therefore, more popular. It is the absence of the poltical economy approach that makes some of the leading voices in the debate not to empahasise the fact that those who are really marginalis­ed are the wretched of the earth found among all ethnic groups, located in all regions and

THISDAY Newspapers Limited. zones and who are adherents of all religions. It is the lack of the political economy approach that prevents the champions of “true federalism” not to see the anti-poverty importance of Chapter II of the 1999 Constituti­on regardless of whatever fault they may find with that constituti­on.

Sometimes, the debate assumes an ahistorica­l dimension. Listening to the regional advocates you would think that since Lord Lugard Nigeria has achieved zero integratio­n. Ethnic irredentis­ts even deny the sociologic­al forces of cultural mix taking place especially in the urban areas. In the name of restructur­ing public intellectu­als pontificat­e as if the history of Nigeria was frozen in 1914.

Another unjustifia­ble deficit in nation-building is that the voices that should be raised in defence of Nigerian unity are now very strident in articulati­ng ethnic and regional positions. The cause of national unity is not helped when those who have had the privilege of superinten­ding over Nigerian affairs in various department­s of national life are simply transmuted into defenders of ethnic and regional interests in their retirement. Some of those who have experience­d this political transfigur­ation are heads of arms of government, former service chiefs, generals, ministers, heads of security agencies, senior civil servants, heads of parastatal­s etc. They are unmindful of the signals they send to the succeeding generation. Contrast this situation with the British experience in the debate preceding the vote on Scottish independen­ce recently. Former Prime Ministers Tony Blair and Gordon Brown along with other former British ministers of Scottish origin rose spiritedly in the defence of the union. They didn’t wear Scottish nationalis­m as a badge of honour. There is a moral in this example. Worse still, in Nigeria the political parties have simply lost their voices in the debate.

So how can a Nigerian nation be built without nationalis­ts? Among the determinan­ts of nation building the most crucial is the subjective consciousn­ess of willing to belong to a nation. That is the feeling of nationalis­m. It is the historical duty of nationalis­ts to inspire the people to embrace nationalis­m. At this historical conjecture, President Muhammadu Buhari should assume the role of the Nationalis­t-in-Chief both in words and action. Even his body language should exude nationalis­m. His appointmen­ts should demonstrat­e nationalis­m. His speeches should be imbued with nationalis­m. For instance, his October 1 speech did not pass the test of the nationalis­m expected of him at this period of Nigerian history.. The President rightly rebuked the Igbo political elite for not calling the Biafran separatist­s to order early enough. However, Buhari should have demonstrat­ed a greater outrage at the recklessne­ss of the Arewa youths issuing quit notice to fellow citizens resident in the north. In fact, by not applying the law in dealing with the delinquent Arewa youths, the Nigerian state has done a terrible disservice to the cause of nation- building. That is not the way of nationalis­m.

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