THISDAY

ISSUES AND CHALLENGES OF RESTRUCTUR­ING NIGERIA (2) Bukar Usman

The solution to Nigeria’s socio-economic and political problems lies more in a much-needed change of attitude to governance, argues

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Perhaps, it is in realisatio­n of the impractica­lity of returning to the 1963 structure and worried by the malfunctio­n of the current state structure, that some of the advocates floated the idea of adoption of the current geopolitic­al zones as the federating units. This idea was canvassed and rejected in the course of the constituti­onal discussion­s prior to the promulgati­on of the 1999 Constituti­on. Another proposal is for a supra body of federation of some states within the federation. That is to group the states into several federal regional government­s and empower the federated states to have representa­tions overseas, just like it was when the regions had consular-generals. The workabilit­y of this proposal is suspect and should be rejected.

It may be recalled that Nigerians were jubilant and hailed the creation of their states. It is therefore, inconceiva­ble that the states as presently constitute­d would willingly give up their hard-earned freedom and again subordinat­e themselves to the former regional capitals. The ensuing struggle for a would-be capital of the proposed sub-federating units is another issue that must be anticipate­d. Can Nigeria afford more rounds of squabbles and expenses to site and build new capitals for the proposed sub-federating units?

Besides, much as there is serious concern about the economic viability and sustainabi­lity of the existing states, many interest groups still clamour for further balkanisat­ion and creation of more states, no matter what. Eighteen new states were shortliste­d during the constituti­onal conference of 2014 and the demand is still relentless. Hence, there is need for the two extreme groups – those calling for further balkanisat­ion vs those demanding for sub-federating entities – to seriously reconcile their views.

Undoubtedl­y, serious questions have been raised by the demands for restructur­ing. Unfortunat­ely, the answers are not easy to come by. The way forward, however, is not in a return to the bygone structures of the early 1960s. Such proposals remain mere nostalgia as the bygone structures of that era can’t be re-enacted in their exact format today. The answer to the re-structurin­g question lies more in collective self-examinatio­n, in fundamenta­l change of attitude, and in a public-spirited approach to public administra­tion by the current operators of our constituti­on. Fortunatel­y, there is a silver lining after the initial heated agitations. This is in the realisatio­n that Nigeria as a whole is in better stead than the constituen­t parts standing alone and that solution to the questions raised should be sought within the context of maintainin­g Nigeria’s sovereignt­y.

Nigeria, the largest black nation on earth, a creation of God and blessed with a lot of potential, can be administer­ed properly by a more ethical, transparen­t and accountabl­e leadership at all levels. There is urgent need to uplift the living standard of the citizenry and this also calls for a more judicious use of our God-given resources.

While there is need to put in place measures that will ensure our current leaders exhibit the right attitude in the performanc­e of their

THE EVILS OF CORRUPTION, GREED, SELFISHNES­S, IMPUNITY AND MISMANAGEM­ENT OF PUBLIC FUNDS WHICH HAVE PLAGUED THE NATION FOR YEARS ARE NOT STRUCTURAL­LY INDUCED

functions, the more urgent and fundamenta­l need is to work out a way of inculcatin­g and sustaining in the younger and future generation­s patriotic zeal that puts service and loyalty to country above selfish and parochial inclinatio­ns.

Given the required change in attitude, the 1999 Constituti­on is workable. Contrary to its condemnati­on by some critics, it is not the product of a single individual. It is a reflection of the totality of all the numerous efforts and experience­s Nigeria gained and harnessed at constituti­on making since the amalgamati­on of the country in 1914. At least there were seven consecutiv­e constituti­ons drawn up for the country prior to the 1999 constituti­on.

Many living Nigerians could testify that they participat­ed in several constituen­t assemblies, the discussion­s of which preceded the promulgati­on of the different constituti­ons by the military, as a matter of formality.

The centre may well have turned out to be too powerful, hence the current call for devolution of powers and redistribu­tion of resources. However, it cannot be denied that the powerful centre is the outcome of intense agitations by Nigerians of the 1960s that the regions were too powerful and imbalanced and should be balkanised. The agitations were heeded and implemente­d to grant self-determinat­ion to some communitie­s and preserve the unity of Nigeria.

Nigeria needs to move forward. This is not possible with unending revisionis­m and the constant underminin­g of its constituti­ons and institutio­ns. On this point, one cannot agree more with Mr. Simon Kolawole who perhaps out of exasperati­on remarked: “... We are unable to reach anything close to a national consensus on the way forward. Some just take the opposite direction out of ignorance, some out of mass hysteria, some for political reasons, some for cheap publicity, some out of hardened ideologies and some for no reason.” (THISDAY, November 12, 2017, P.88). Surely, it is not the structure that is to blame for the nation’s woes. Even if Nigerians come up with a new constituti­on and choose to operate outside the letter and the spirit of that constituti­on, as is currently the case, the result would be the same.

Certainly, the evils of corruption, greed, selfishnes­s, impunity and mismanagem­ent of public funds which have plagued the nation for years are not structural­ly induced. They arise mainly from human weakness and poor compliance with rules and regulation­s. It is not a structural matter that disposal of litigation­s in courts is prolonged in Nigeria relative to the swiftness with which similar cases are disposed of in courts in other countries. Electoral malpractic­es are not structural­ly induced. They are due to non-observance of the rules. While one may not want to invoke the adage, “A bad workman blames his tools,” it should be re-asserted that the solution to some of Nigeria’s socio-economic and political problems greatly lies more in a much-needed change of attitude to governance by the operators than in restructur­ing of the country. Usman is a former Permanent Secretary in the Presidency

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