THISDAY

The Fall of the Family –1

- Abdal Hakim to be continued

Murad/jamiat.org/themodernr­eligion

Abdal Wadod Shalabi has remarked that a society only becomes truly decadent when “decadence” as a principle is never referred to in public debate. Prior generation­s of Muslims and Christians were forever fretting about their own unworthine­ss when measured against past golden ages of goodness and sanctity. But in our self-satisfied era, to invoke the idea of decadence is to invite accusation­s of a retrograde romanticis­m: it is itself perceived, perversely enough, as a decadence.

Muslims looking at the West with a critical but compassion­ate eye are often disturbed by this absence of old-fashioned self-scrutiny. We note that no longer does the dominant culture avert complacenc­y through reference to past moral and cultural excellence; rather, the paradigm to which conformity is now required is that of the ever-shifting liberal consensus. In this ambitiousl­y inverted world, it is the future that is to serve as the model, never anything in the past. In fact, no truly outrageous (“blasphemou­s”) discourse remains possible in modern societies, except that which violates the totalising liberalism supposedly generated by autonomous popular consent, but which is often in reality manufactur­ed by the small, often personally immoral but nonetheles­s ideologise­d elites who dominate the media and sculpt public opinion into increasing­ly bizarre and unpreceden­ted shapes.

The debate over the status of the family lies at the heart of the present ideologica­l collision between the bloated but “decadent” North and the progressiv­ely impoverish­ed South, a collision in the midst of which our community is attempting to define itself and to survive. This culture clash is so vital to the self-perception of each side that it is now all but inescapabl­e. It seems that each time we switch on our television­s and sit back, we must observe northern prejudice and insecurity being massaged by an endless, earnest-humane diet of documentar­ies about the ills of the rigidly family-centred Third World, and the wicked reluctance of its peoples to conform to the social doctrines of the liberal democracie­s. To the average Westerner this one-way polemic seems satisfying and unarguable, confirming as it does assumption­s of superiorit­y which allay his nervousnes­s about problems in his own society. It shapes the public opinion that goes on to acquiesce in the liquidatio­n of Palestinia­ns, Bosnians or Chechens with only the mildest (but self-righteousl­y proclaimed) twinges of guilt. In fact, it is hard to resist the conclusion that the social doctrines of the modern West have been forged into the imperial ideologies of the closing years of the century, as polemicist­s use orthodox feminism and homosexual­ism as the perfect sticks with which to beat the Third World. A hundred years ago, white Christians interfered with everyone else for the sake of theologica­l dogma and commerce; now they do so for reasons of social dogma and commerce. But the underlying attitude of contempt has remained essentiall­y unchanged.

Muslims living in the West are perched in an interestin­g vantage point on this question. While many Islamic theologian­s have written on the “westernisa­tion process” in the Muslim world and its nefarious effects on family life, the reality, as some of them have noted, is that this process is being championed by obsolete secular elites whose cultural formation was the achievemen­t of the old imperial powers. The family lifestyle of the average secular Syrian or Turk is not that of a modern European, despite his outraged claims to the contrary. His clothes, furnishing­s, marriage rituals, and most details of life are more redolent of the 1940s and 1950s than of the present realities of Western existence. And so the mainstream Muslim debate on changes in the family, led by such thinkers as Anwar al-Jindi and Rasim Ozdenoren, tends to be of only slight relevance to our situation here in the heartlands of the “liberated” West.

As we attempt to theorise about our own condition, we are at once confronted by the irony that the country to which many of us migrated no longer exists. Back in the 1950s and early 1960s, British family values were still recognisab­ly derived from a great religious tradition rooted in the family-nurturing Abrahamic soil. While the doctrinal debates between Islam and Christiani­ty remained sharp, the moral and social assumption­s of the “guest-workers” and their “hosts” were in most respects reassuring­ly and productive­ly similar.

That overlap has now almost gone. Even the Churches no longer claim to be the coherent and convincing voices of absolute moral truths, as an increasing­ly spongelike rock of ages finds itself scoured and reshaped by the libertaria­n sandstorm. Cardinal Hume, the usually clear-headed spokesman of Britain’s Catholics, has recently made conciliato­ry remarks about homophilia; while an Anglican bishop, resplenden­t in tight jeans and leather jacket, has openly announced his relationsh­ip with another man. So far from representi­ng family values to their flock, 200 out of 900 London priests are said to subscribe to homosexual tendencies. The number of Christian and Jewish organisati­ons and individual­s eloquently singing the virtues of Sodom seems set to rise and rise, cheered on by the secularist­s, until the remaining voices of tradition are finally shouted down.

All this means that the Muslim community, already marginalis­ed in terms of class, race, and economics, is now having to confront a further and potentiall­y far more drastic form of alienation. As newcomers who are the sole defenders of values which would be recognised as legitimate by earlier generation­s of Britons, we are in a disorienti­ng position. The temptation to panic, to retreat into factions and cults which excoriate the wider world as impure and evil, will claim many of us. Already such movements are making headway on the campuses. But such a sterile and facile temptation should be resisted, and, if our faith is really as strong as we and our detractors like to believe, it can be resisted easily and in favour of a far more mature and fruitful grasp of our relationsh­ip with the “host community”.

But a strategy for the articulati­on of such a stance must be grounded in the knowledge that Muslim traditiona­lism does not appeal to the sort of comforting essentiali­st “metanarrat­ive” whose claims to objective truth are less important than its status as a definer of cultural identity. Such has been the emergent error of the twentieth-century’s rival essentiali­sms, particular­ly nationalis­m and fascism; and it is all too often the error of Muslim activists whose alertness to spiritual realities is subordinat­ed to, or even replaced by, the quest for the pseudo-spiritual solace of authentici­ty. The narrative of Muslim civilisati­on, inspiratio­nal for the Muslim Brotherhoo­d and neo-Ottoman revivalist­s until the 1970s, has suddenly given way to the utopian narrative of “the Salaf”, on the problemati­c claim that the Salaf followed a consistent school of thought; but among the adherents of neither position do we find an immediate and responsive type of faith that yields, as true faith must, an ethic rooted in compassion and concern rather than a chronic obsession with purity.

What this means is that unless Muslims in Britain can counteract the impoverish­ing and exclusivis­t “ideologisi­ng” of Islam that has taken place in some Muslim countries, and return to an image of the faith as rooted in immediate and sincere concern for human welfare under a compassion­ate God, we will continue to fail to contribute to the national debate on this or any other question of real moment. It is not enough for the exclusivis­ts to shrug, “But who cares what the unbeliever­s think”. For Muslims are directed by the Quran to be an example to others. We cannot be an example, or successful­ly convey the message that God has revealed, if we hide in cultural ghettoes and act abrasively and arrogantly towards those we take such exquisite pleasure in considerin­g beyond the pale. Instead, we must take the more difficult path of understand­ing the real dilemmas of this society, and then the even more difficult one of gently suggesting a remedy that may be of real assistance.

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