‘Herdsmen Crisis Is Gradually Enveloping West Africa’
He was a former Federal Commissioner for Information and Culture, and chaired the Committee that organised FESTAC. Major General I.B.M. Haruna suddenly found himself compulsorily retired from the Nigerian Army at age 37. As one whose father was a Soldier, and having spent his entire life in regimented army barracks, he found himself faced with the dilemma of fitting into civilian life. He then applied to read Agricultural Science at Ahmadu Bello University, but was offered Law instead. Now 78 years old, General Haruna went down memory lane in a chat with
Onikepo Braithwaite who had the privilege of doing her Law School Chamber attachment in his chambers, as a student Lawyer in 1991. He proffered useful advice on the various challenges confronting the nation, including insurgency, Herdsmen crisis and more
Sir, it is indeed a great honour for me to be able conduct this interview with you, especially as I had my first experience of law practice at General I B M Haruna & Co. in Kaduna in 1991, during the mandatory Law School Chamber Attachment. Thank you Sir. Kindly, tell us about your military career and what informed the decision for you, a military officer, a Major General in the Army to study Law?
When I was retired from the Nigerian Army on 15th of March, 1977, I had no earlier exposure to living a Civilian life. I had been selected among Thirty, Fourteen year old children in May 1954, to form the BOYS COMPANY Nigerian Army in Zaria. We were the children of ex-Service Army Men. Our fathers had served the British Colonial Army; West African Frontier Force (WAFF). They had fought in BURMA and in East Africa campaigns. We, the boys, were enlisted by the then Captain Wellington Umo Bassey (as he then was in 1954). Because I grew up in the Police Barracks, and because my father was demobilised from Army into the Nigerian Police Force Kaduna, I had not lived outside the Barracks.
I grew up in Kaduna and Zaria Barracks up to age 18, that is in 1958, when we, the first Boys Company graduated. I started my life as a Soldier in the Nigerian Army, after the 1958 passing out parade. I had participated in taking the Army Officers Qualifying Examination before the ‘passing out’ which led me into a career as an
“UPON RETIRING, I HAD NO COGNATE CIVILIAN SKILLS FOR CIVILIAN EMPLOYMENT TO ENGAGE MY LIFE, AND, WITH THE BURDEN OF A FAMILY OF YOUNG CHILDREN TO FEED, AND EDUCATE, I FELT STABBED AND FALLEN..... WE HAD NO SEVERANCE PAY, NO COMPENSATION, NO RECOGNITION, EXCEPT ARMY RANK AND MEDALS”
Officer in the Nigerian Army, from there on.I passed the examination and subsequent Board interviews, in the Army’s Kaduna Headquarters of the Army. The Board was Chaired by Brigadier Young, the then British Brigade Commander, with Lt. Col. Hazelton who was Commanding Officer of the Army Training Depot, Zaria, as a Board member and others. Following my success, I progressed to the Regular Officer’s Special Training School Teshi Accra Ghana (ROSTS 11). Then, following cadet training at Aldershot United Kingdom, and The Royal Military Academy Sandhurst intake 27; (1959 to 1961), I was commissioned into the Nigerian Army at the Summer Sovereign’s Parade 1961, I trained as an Infantry and Ordnance Officer of the Royal Army Ordnance Corp (UK). After passing requisite in-service promotion examinations, I attended the Joint Service PRINTED AND DISTRIBUTED BY PRESSREADER PressReader.com +1 604 278 4604 ORIGINAL COPY . ORIGINAL COPY . ORIGINAL COPY . ORIGINAL COPY . ORIGINAL COPY . ORIGINAL COPY COPYRIGHT AND PROTECTED BY APPLICABLE LAW
Staff College Latimer 1971 (now renamed United Kingdom National Defence College). In my Army career, I had the opportunity to Command Infantry Divisions, (including 2nd Division Onitsha), during the Nigerian Civil War 1969 to 1970. I held appointments as Chief Ordnance Officer, Quarter Master General of the Nigerian Army, Principal Staff Officer at Supreme Headquarters Dodan Barracks, and was a member of General Adebayo’s Committee for vetting and recommending the absorption of otherwise of Nigerian Army Officers who had served in the Biafra Army during the Nigerian Civil War 1967 – 1970.
It was during the Military Regime of Murtala – Obasanjo Government, 1975 to 1979, that I had my first glimpse of serving Civil Society and Government. My prior experience working with civilians, was at the Army Ordnance Depot at Murtala Mohammed Way, Yaba in Lagos.
I served the Murtala – Obasaanjo Regime as Federal Commissioner for Information and Culture, 1975 – 1977, and was privileged to be the Chairman of Nigeria’s participation in the World Festival of African arts and Culture held in 1977 tagged FESTAC 77. The FESTAC 77 was successfully staged, during which Nigeria made special presentations; of Regatta at Ikoyi Cowrie Creek, and Durba at Kaduna (Murtala Mohammed Square). It was after these successful events, that I was retired from the Nigerian Army.
The Ministry of Information under my commission had made strides, in establishing NTA, News Agency of Nigeria, Centre for Black Culture (CEBAC), and the National Theatre, which was established by the Ministry. The Ministry further consolidated External Affairs information services in Nigeria’s Embassies and Missions’ Posts, re-organised the Department of Museums and Antiquities, and engineered negotiated New Directions for the Ethics for practicing journalism in Nigeria, with the then media Chief led by H.E. Jakande.
When my army service was terminated on NTA at 7pm evening News, I was devastated and shocked that my career which I was expecting to last up-to 1979, when civil democracy will take over Government as promised by General Obasanjo, was abruptly severed. Two other Generals were retired along-side me General Obada and General Olutoye (Now HRH in his traditional Kingdom). I was then about to be thirty-seven years old.
Upon retiring and I had no cognate Civilian Skills for civilian employment to engage my life, and, with the burden of a family of young children to feed, and educate, I felt stabbed and fallen. The question then was: Where do I go, how do I restart life and get used to freedom in civilian garb? And with what asset do I orientate? We had No severance pay, No compensation, No recognition, except Army Rank and Medals. My life had become a night mare, ‘Begin Again’. So, I thought it was not too late to rely on my GCE Advance levels and return to school, and to farming. Farming was a childhood experience, even though it was for sustenance of life.
My application for admission into Ahmadu Bello University was for admission into faculty of Agriculture (Farming), but I was admitted into the Faculty of Law in 1977, following which I graduated in 1980.
Thereafter, I attended the Nigerian Law School at Lagos and was enrolled at the Bar as a Solicitor and Advocate of the Supreme Court of Nigeria - 1981. I really don’t view my being a Lawyer as a premeditated choice, or decision to be a Lawyer and practice as a Solicitor and a Barrister. It was all God’s doing. Glory be to Al Rahamani Rahim who is (beyond being a Creator and encompasses all Beings).
As a Lawyer and a military officer who has fought on the battlefield, what steps do you think that Government should take to avert the already escalating Fulani Herdsmen crisis, so we do not end up having another Boko Haram situation on our hands? Do you think that so far, Government has handled this crisis well?
Your question posed to me as a Lawyer, may not be answered as a Lawyer as such, because I am not holding a brief for that purpose, but I will comment, in exercise of my role as a Lawyer and expectations in social responsibility. As a retired military officer, I have been in retirement since 1977, (that is forty years), and not being in a forum that is informed of recent developments in the military, my knowledge is limited. I cannot claim to know what steps are being taken by Government, and proffer what steps Government should take to avert the already escalating so- called Fulani Herdsman crisis.
However, I acknowledge that the escalating scenario is more than crisis, simply. The overall development has gone beyond normal Internal Security Operations which are foreseen, and counter-measures are pre- planned, perceived and as expected threats to National security, for which material resources, personnel and operational costs are established and budgeted for, but for counter-insurgency, terrorism, crimes designed and carried out to sabotage and undermine the State, are not normally foreseen, budgeted for as recurrent expenses.
The escalating Fulani Herdsmen Crisis and its handling by Government, cannot be as easily evaluated in the manner that it is simplified by our media, in that the media has simply concluded that the crisis is Fulani driven; this stereotyping, ethnicising and caging the crisis as Fulani Herdsmen, I think the stereotyping ethnic Nationality Fulani Hash tag, is not comprehending and presenting the true nature of the security threat. To understand the complex nature of the crisis, the Fulani Herdsmen crisis stereotype, is a tip of the iceberg of regional security, or insecurity enveloping the West African sub-region as a whole. The insurgency, terrorism and criminality, is an overflow of regional and socio-political and economic crises and conflicts raging in the Region and elsewhere, like the Arab Nations.
The ripple effects are in Nigeria, and in particular, the challenges caused by Islamic Sects conflicts being generated in the Arab-Israeli Zone, the America and Western European ideological conflicts the world over (in particular following 9/11 bombings) and the search for allies, collaborators, to arm and fight ideological radicals, has expanded the war zones and regions of war. The so called Fulani’s crisis may be seen as a security challenge, acting with other threats in the new war frontier, or emerging war zone such as Nigeria in ECOWAS sub-Sahara Region.
The so-called Fulani crisis resembles initiating war by probing for intelligence, and monitoring sensitivities aimed at eventually subverting and destabilising the socio-economic foundations of developing Nigeria disintegrate, and eventually overturn Nigeria and the sub-region of West Africa. The crisis is viewed in isolation in Nigeria, but in its Real perspective, it is a search for new regional war and new order in the sub- Saharan Region.
The Fulani crisis for grazing cattle, alone, does not explain the huge amounts of armaments, explosives and devices, which are surreptitiously being imported into the country, smuggled and stockpiled around the country. Neither does Fulani crisis alone, explain the criminality of cattle rustling, kidnapping and huge ransom payments, and various other criminal undertakings including gains from corruption, looting of public funds, and generally subverting the constitution of FRN 1999. These are bids to discredit the existing order and create instability and anarchy.
The Government should manage the crisis as it would manage war situations, by mobilising adequate forces, materials and galvanising public support and political will for the survival of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. The general scenario is like the civil war in a way, but fighting it in a different form: minding the need to war in conformity with Rules of Human Rights, and the Constitution of FRN – 1999.
Do you believe that Benue, Ekiti and Taraba States did the right thing in enacting their various anti-grazing laws, especially to protect their people?
In this search for a viable solution to the conflicts, there should be a reconstituted, restructured and re-shared powers to each strata of Government, powers shared vested in them so that they can participate adequately in all functions of governance. They should have powers for securing the well-being of the people, and stability of the Nigerian State, and powers which would promote patriotism and loyalty of the citizenry from the grass roots and up to governing elites.
In the light of what I said earlier in answer to the previous question, the challenges are complex, far and are beyond prescribing one solution like, enacting grazing lands in isolation of the causes and wider effects of the laws to the rest of the Nation. The legislations are going to be of limited effect, even though they are legitimate. I see such laws like scare
“THE FULANI CRISIS FOR GRAZING CATTLE, ALONE, DOES NOT EXPLAIN THE HUGE AMOUNTS OF ARMAMENTS, EXPLOSIVES AND DEVICES, WHICH ARE SURREPTITIOUSLY BEING IMPORTED INTO THE COUNTRY, SMUGGLED AND STOCKPILED AROUND THE COUNTRY”
crows, as long as they are disassociated with the overall federally conceived solutions to the problems. I believe that solutions should be widely discussed, to avoid heating the polity and further generate new dimensions of conflicts that would lead to instability of the states. There should be solutions that modernise and give awakening of new hopes for the oncoming generation of Nigerians.
What advice can you offer the Government on how to make the fight against Boko Haram more effective? The Leader of the Terrorist Organisation, has come out on video to say that we should expect more violent attacks. Are there any military strategies that can be employed to safeguard the people against these attacks?
Myadvicewillbethatstrategies,tacticsapplicablet owaringeneral,skills used for war of insurgency, criminality and terrorism should be applied. I believe my combatant colleagues in the Army and Government, are well acquainted with war and peace, and they are knowledgeable practitioners in our institutions.
I suggest that the authorities modernise, intensify and widen their scope of intelligence gathering, solidify their inter-service co-operation and collaboration within the National institutions, and cooperate with international systems and bodies. But above all, there should be awareness and galvanising of the citizenry at large, with honesty and sincerity of purpose in National Orientation campaigns. The Boko Haram successes that have been recorded should go further, from degrading to annihilation of Terrorism. There is need for intensive psychological re- orientation and de-radicalisation of the insurgents, and check-mate their recruitment sources, materials supply-chain, and capacity to produce improvised explosive bombs and vehicle bombs. The government should have the political will to deal with sponsors of insurgents and terrorists, and their collaborators seriously as traitors and criminals, whether they are at home or abroad. Government should stop the smuggling of Arms, explosives, and materials for production of improvised explosive devices and vehicle bombs and other insurgents’ armaments. Government should flush out of the forests like Sambisa and known forests of would be insurgents, terrorist and cattle rustlers.
The Public should be convinced and carried along by Government, as to the effectiveness of activities and commitments to rid Nigeria of Boko Haram’s philosophy and radicalism. Governments should clearly demonstrate, with responses and results of its effective programs for good governance and its submission to the Rule of Law. Government should strengthen the growth and development of democracy; use its principles to promote social justice and equity. In particular, they should show that their actions are devoid of corruption at all levels.
Many are saying that Government’s record on obedience to the rule of law has not been encouraging what with for instance, the failure to release from custody people that have been granted bail by the courts like Sheik El Zakzaky and his wife and Sambo Dasuki, the former NSA. Could Government’s low record be connected to the fact that we have an ex-military officer as President, and military training and principles, could may very well be at variance with things like obeying court orders and the rule of law?
There is a court process that can be invoked, where issues arising from court do demonstrate that concept of court by disobeying the order of a court, has occurred. Approaching the court, is a remedy open to the contestants. However, if the terms and conditions for bail, for example, have been met and no separate case has intervened to initiate and justify a separate new case for detention, then bail order previously granted may not be subsisting to warrant an allegation of disobedience. The charge of disobedience, may not prevail or relate to the new case. Common sense dictates that if one is on bail for a fraud charge and the person proceeds to commit culpable homicide while on bail for fraud, the subsisting bail will not confer immunity on him to stop his arrest and proceedings for the new case. The facts of each case can be relied upon, if for example, some manoeuvring is being engaged to defect or sabotage courts processes.
Nigeria went through a very bitter civil war which ended in 1970, the effects are still being felt in every facet of the Nigerian society today. With the recent agitation by the Igbos for a Biafran state, would you
‘HERDSMEN CRISIS IS GRADUALLY ENVELOPING WEST AFRICA’ say that that war in which you fought in, is really over? Is another civil war possible in Nigeria? If it is, what can the Government do to avert it?
The Nigerian-Biafra Civil War has been over since it ended in 1970, its immediate affects had been addressed, though not adequately, because of the regressive quality of our leaders and infrastructures: Roads, Rail, Power and water supply. But what is felt today in the South East, cannot in my view, be attributed to the effects of the civil war alone; rather, it is the corruption, ineptitude, failure of leaders, or mal-administration and incompetence of successive democratic political leadership, compradors and business entrepreneurs with whom they destroyed post-war gains. Remarkable development had been brought about by the reconciliation, rehabilitation, and reconstruction policies of General Gowon`s regime. It is not the Civil War’s aftermath that has led to our todays predicament, but our leaders who proceeded to collaborate to corruptly consume and appropriate to themselves the assets and most of the benefits of post-war development. Public officers embarked on self-enrichment through privatisation and commercialisation of public properties and services, followed with looting of public funds, diversions and misappropriations of public budgeted funds and revenues. The effects of what we are going through today and its hardship, are not the direct or immediate effect of the 1967 to 1970 civil war. It is as a result of the faithlessness and in- sincerity of politicians to abide with the directives principles of State policies constitutionally provided by the 1999 constitution, policies enunciated by political party’s manifesto and vision 2020. Things have fallen apart, not because of civil war and coups, but due to elite leaders greed, avarice, corruption, and lack of integrity, transparency, and accountability, which rubbed on national institutions and their managements, eventually all moulded into national character.
Furthermore, due to condemnation and apathy of the public at large, sanctions have not been applied and if applied, it is applied selectively and unfairly because of our penchant to double standards, dysfunctional social values and discriminations based on for example, indigene, non- indigene, settler, paternity or maternity or social hierarchy, etc.
I think the civil war, led to consciousness of these wedges in our pursuit of national unity, but it would be worse to allow anarchy and Revolution to envelope Nigeria because of them. This impending gloom can be averted, if we engage in dialogues; social and political engineering which if reasonably managed and purposefully directed, it would move Nigeria forward to achieve unity of an egalitarian society, in diverse cultural heritages.
present arrangement acceptable?
The 1999 constitution being a cumbersome document, has been inflexible, and difficult in its application and has in some instances failed to meet the yearnings of the populace, and, in general, mould the Unity of the Federation with the ethnic Nationalities, and, Traditional entities: Kingdoms, Caliphates, Emirates and Autonomous Communities. Having regards to my earlier comments, the 1999 Constitution has to be amended, in order to divert likely civil disobedience and anarchy.
When Nigeria transited from military rule to democracy, many had high hopes that a truly progressive nation was going to emerge, but so far it does appear as if that hope is gradually fading. Corruption is still very much entrenched in Government circles, power is still elusive, insecurity is a growing concern. Where is Nigeria getting it wrong? How can we reverse this unfortunate circumstances?
Gathering from my earlier views, you can discern where l think we got things wrong, but Nigeria is on the path of getting things right or righted with the trend towards eradicating corruption with the cooperation of the world at large. And, since Africa is queuing with Nigeria, we expect good governance to follow, and Nigeria will eventually succeed as the touch bearer of the Black Race. I think that, the democracy is the key to the path of our sustainable development; the quality of democracy in practice, must be made by the people and for the people i.e. the functioning of the Executive Branch of government, the judiciary, the parliament and the electoral structure, organisations and processes, should be oriented towards the salvation and liberation of the people. A truly progressive people in a democracy expect that the coalitions of social movements and re-alignments and unifications are continuous and perpetual dynamics of politics and politicking, aimed at democratisation of people through political parties. In government, individuals are actors and advocates of their party’s manifesto. And when individuals get elected into elective offices, they are expected to carry into effect their party’s manifesto. But unfortunately and unexpectedly, our elected persons get into offices and personify and personalise the offices. Their egos symbolise the office, their body language is policy. This attitude borders on the threat to ultimate dictatorship or cabal achy. In a democratic government, the political party in government needs to put their stamp of approval on or reproach of their proxies. The political parties seem to surrender to “MY COMMAND” and ‘Under my Watch’ Executive powers of their leader, which is derisive of democracy and political party government. The public at large, should be able to hold political parties liable for mis-governance by their proxies who are governing, because a breach of manifesto is a breach of trust.
How come you have stayed away from active politics and holding political office, unlike many of your fellow officers?
As a 1977 retiree General NA 191, now at age 78 is not, l think, the age for active politicking by me, but time for sober reflection and storytelling under the moonlight. I went to Royal Military Academy, Sandhurst in 1959 and while my mates General Murtala Mohammed, General Iliya Bisalla, General Mohammed Shuwa are all of blessed memory. May Allah Bless their souls in their peaceful eternal rest.
By fortune I was appointed Federal Commissioner for Information and Culture and Chairman Nigeria Participation in FESTAC 77, after which I was retired at the age 37. I have not veered into politics, because it is not my natural intuition and I have not had a rapport with politicians. However, I respect our traditions, by which virtue l am the Wali of Garkida.
I adopted the Royal Military Academy Motto: “Serve to Lead’ and The Nigerian Army’s” Motto “Victory is from God”. I am not in active party politics and have not been convinced to join a political party, though I had participated in the Liberal Movement during 1994 Constitutional Conference.
Dr. Paul Unongo just resigned as Chairman of Northern Elders Forum; some are of the view that it points to the fact that, the North has deep cracks in its ranks and may not be as united as many think. As a member of that Forum, what led to this development and what does it portend for the North?
I am Not a member of the Northern Elders Forum, so I cannot comment on the Resignation of Dr. Paul Unongo. I heard it through the media.
You recently postulated that the problem with Nigeria, is what you described as ‘Micro-Nationalism’. What exactly do you mean by this, and how does it affect Nigeria negatively?
I don’t remember the context in which I made the postulation ‘Micro- Nationalism’ which you have quoted. However, I believe it is about ethnic nationalism of minority tribes, whereby minority citizens have been rendered second class citizens by the maxim “majority rule” in a democracy, the majority takes all and they can tyrannise or terrorise the minority. For example, IDOMA’S in Benue State, the Babur-Bura in Borno State and others, again the only Province of 26 provinces, Kabba province is not a State, even after creating 36 states, because of ethnic minority micro-nationalism. They are shoe-horned into Macro-Nationalism of the dominant Ethnic Nationalities, as things are without constitutional or legal protection, they will always be playing second fiddle.
“AS A 1977 RETIREE GENERAL NA 191, NOW AT AGE 78 IS NOT, L THINK, THE AGE FOR ACTIVE POLITICKING BY ME, BUT TIME FOR SOBER REFLECTION AND STORYTELLING UNDER THE MOONLIGHT”
PRINTED AND DISTRIBUTED BY PRESSREADER