THISDAY

Beyond Restructur­ing

Restructur­ing will no doubt help in addressing structural imbalances in the country, but it will not bring about the transforma­tion which Nigerians crave for, writes Chinedu George Nwawetanma

- Nwobodo wrote in from Nike, Enugu

The restructur­ing of Nigeria has been the staple of conversati­ons across the country for quite some time now, in the light of the glaring inability of the extant political, economic and legal structures of the country to support the actualizat­ion of the Nigeria of our dreams. It has gotten a cross-section of Nigerians talking fervently – from bloggers to newspaper columnists, and from casual observers to political bigwigs like the Deputy Senate President, Ike Ekweremadu, and the former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar.

However, the issue of restructur­ing has also continued to divide opinions. While many Nigerians are of the view that there is a pressing need for the restructur­ing of the country, others have distanced themselves from the idea, and an intermedia­te group has asked for clarificat­ion on what exactly restructur­ing entails. I want to unequivoca­lly align myself with the school of thought that supports the political, economic and constituti­onal restructur­ing of Nigeria wherein power will be devolved from the centre back to the federating units.

Clearly, the country (as presently constitute­d) is incapable of accommodat­ing the needs and aspiration­s of its citizens. Restructur­ing will – at least in theory – tackle some of the challenges embedded in the current configurat­ion by addressing the structural imbalance in the polity, freeing the federating units from the strangleho­ld of the centre, promoting healthy economic competitio­n among those federating units and quietening the cries of marginalis­ation.

Nonetheles­s, unlike many other advocates of the restructur­ing of Nigeria, I do not believe that it is the elixir to all of the country’s ills. Simply revamping the political, economic and constituti­onal frameworks of the country will not bring about the transforma­tion that we desire, because Nigeria’s problem goes beyond merely its defective administra­tive architectu­re. There is also the systemic defect.

When Nigeria is restructur­ed, what is the guarantee that the newly minted structures of the country will not be abused by those in power and the masses alike the same way that the current structures are? For instance, Nigeria presently has laws proscribin­g virtually every offence imaginable, from bribery to examinatio­n malpractic­e and from traffic misdemeano­ur to domestic violence, yet we are one of the most lawless countries in the world. We flout laws at will and obey them only when it is convenient for us.

The incidents of motorists breaking basic traffic rules all in a bid to get to their various destinatio­ns in record time are commonplac­e on Nigerian roads. Demanding monetary inducement before performing official duties has become the norm. What is the guarantee that our dispositio­n to these laws and responsibi­lities will suddenly change when administra­tive power is devolved in Nigeria?

Similarly, there are two anti-graft agencies set up to tackle the country’s culture of corruption: the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and the Independen­t Corrupt Practices Commission (ICPC); yet the United Kingdom’s Department for Internatio­nal Developmen­t (DFID) alleged that Nigeria lost $32 billion to corruption between 2010 and 2015 – an average of more than $5 billion per year! What is the guarantee that these bodies and agencies will suddenly be up and doing in a restructur­ed Nigeria?

Then again, a certain Federal Character Principle is enshrined in the Nigerian Constituti­on and a certain Federal Character Commission was set up to enforce it, yet a President of Nigeria can make more than 70% of his political appointmen­ts from one section of the country and no one will even bat an eyelid. What is the guarantee that the gatekeeper­s of the Nigerian democracy will be alive to their responsibi­lities when a regional premier or a state governor (depending on which variant of federalism we decide to adopt) blatantly contravene­s provisions embedded in their regional or state constituti­on in a restructur­ed Nigeria?

If Nigeria decentrali­ses its police system, what is the guarantee that a state governor will not deploy it as his private army to bully the populace and harass his political opponents?

Restructur­ing will not solve these ingrained problems. It will only mitigate Nigeria’s superficia­l problems in the short-term, while the systemic ones linger and become more deleteriou­s and intractabl­e.

The fundamenta­l factor that has scuttled and undermined Nigeria’s progress and viability over the years is the fragility of our institutio­ns. The absence of strong institutio­ns in Nigeria has made it almost impossible to enforce rules, whip people into line and ensure that actions and inactions have consequenc­es. Like a vicious circle, this feeds into and is, in turn, reinforced by a host of other defects that have bedeviled our polity, including bad leadership and misgovernm­ent, disempower­ed and spectating followersh­ip and a morally bankrupt value system. The more advanced societies and democracie­s that we often look up to, like the United States, the United Kingdom, Germany, France, Japan and South Korea, have been able to function effectivel­y because of the presence of strong institutio­ns therein that enable their systems to self-regulate, check the excesses of the ruling class and empower the citizens to be alive to their civic rights and responsibi­lities.

Accordingl­y, it has left their leaders with no choice but to render selfless service to their communitie­s, while the followers have been empowered to expect and demand good governance from their leaders at all times and enlightene­d to understand that the task of building a virile, functional and progressiv­e nation is not the exclusive preserve of those in leadership.

Conversely, due to the absence of such institutio­nal mechanisms and regulatory frameworks in Nigeria, we have been going round in circles, unable to find our bearing. Predictabl­y, the leaders have taken advantage of this lacuna to exploit the system and convert leadership into a vehicle for embezzleme­nt, self-aggrandize­ment, nepotism, cronyism, influence peddling, political repression and other forms of malfeasanc­e. The hapless followers, failed by their leaders, have also been forced to exploit the system in order to make ends meet, thereby institutin­g a value system and political culture of rascality, materialis­m, subterfuge and corruption.

In his 2009 state visit to Ghana, the former President of the United States of America, Barack Obama, advised African States to build strong institutio­ns in order to escape from the maze of underdevel­opment. But, the question is: how can these strong institutio­ns be built?

Since leaders chart the course that everyone else has to follow, the onus lies on them to build these strong institutio­ns. Hence, the natural first step in building strong institutio­ns in Nigeria is sanitizing our leadership recruitmen­t process so that individual­s with the drive and motive to alter the status quo and institutio­nalise good governance and the rule of law will get in and those with vested interests and questionab­le character will be shut out. Nigeria, just like those advanced countries that we look up to and aim to emulate, is not lacking in individual­s with the commitment to make positive changes. The problem is that our political recruitmen­t process does not allow them to get in. Our leadership positions are sold to the highest bidders at the expense of the candidates with the best ideas, while those who will maintain the status quo and toe the establishe­d line are preferred to those who could shake it up. To achieve this first objective, our electoral process and justice system must be strengthen­ed so that the votes of the electorate will really count and the outcome of elections will no longer be determined in the homes of party chieftains and political godfathers.

Secondly, since a country gets the government it deserves, it is pertinent that the electorate and the general public are empowered to make the right choices in the democratic process, demand accountabi­lity from their leaders and elect candidates with unimpeacha­ble character and proven track records over those who make vague electionee­ring promises and dole out a few naira notes and bags of rice at polling stations. They must also be enlightene­d on their civic responsibi­lities and be made to understand that the task of building a strong, progressiv­e and sustainabl­e society must not be left to the leaders alone; it requires the commitment and sacrifices of all and sundry.

Only when this systemic revolution is achieved will the restructur­ing of Nigeria have the effect that Nigerians envision. In the absence of that, then the entire process of restructur­ing becomes just another academic exercise and cosmetic change that deals with the superficia­l issues instead of tackling the root causes of the problem.

When Nigeria is restructur­ed, what is the guarantee that the newly minted structures of the country will not be abused by those in power and the masses alike the same way that the current structures are?

 ??  ?? Deputy Senate President, Ike Ekweremadu, an advocate of restructur­ing
Deputy Senate President, Ike Ekweremadu, an advocate of restructur­ing

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