THISDAY

Independen­ce Day: July 4 Means Something Very Different When It’s Celebrated in Britain

- Sam Edwards Photo credit: EPA-EFE

This year’s July 4 celebratio­ns will come freighted with rather more complexity than usual, and on both sides of the Atlantic too. 2018’s commemorat­ion of independen­ce from British rule will take place just nine days before Donald Trump crosses the Atlantic for talks with his British counterpar­t, Theresa May. The two will follow the annual celebratio­n of severance with a performanc­e of togetherne­ss: as Independen­ce Day makes way for the special relationsh­ip.

Given Trump’s remarkably poor grasp of history – this is a man who recently asked if the Canadians had burned down the White House in 1814 – he’ll quite probably be oblivious to any such tensions between the upcoming events of July 4 and those of July 13 (the date of his visit to London). But if his advisers take a glance at the history books to think through this coincidenc­e of timing, they might be pleasantly surprised. While many Americans unambiguou­sly celebrate July 4 as a national event marking independen­ce from the “mother country”, in Britain the day has long been a chance to celebrate Anglo-American ties. How can it be both?

It all comes down to exactly how you understand the origins and cause of the American Revolution. For many Americans, the War of Independen­ce was a righteous conflict against a tyrannical and perfidious enemy, the narrative of independen­ce famously celebrated in films such as The Patriot. In this view, the founding fathers were exceptiona­l and exemplary Americans, leading heroic yeoman farmers in the cause of national independen­ce from the British Empire.

The problem with this idea is that it wasn’t until relatively late in the day, towards the middle of the 1770s, that colonial American leaders actually set themselves firmly on the cause of full independen­ce. And even when they did, many still found it difficult to shed completely their identities as “Englishmen” overseas, while a significan­t proportion of the American population remained either loyal to the Crown throughout, or tried to avoid choosing a side for as long as possible.

Hence those leading the revolution were initially so keen to claim that they fought for the legitimate rights of “Englishmen”: not to be taxed without consent, the right to rule by elected representa­tives. Even George Washington, commander-in-chief of the Continenta­l Army and later the first president, thought himself a loyal Englishman until well into the 1770s.

In later years, such ideas faded from view. Washington was elevated to the status of American demi-god, and during the 19th century, July 4 developed its modern form and function: an assertive national ritual which celebrated American difference and distinctio­n. Even so, the older idea that independen­ce was originally an “English” cause lingered here and there, embedded in the much celebrated language used by Thomas Jefferson in the Declaratio­n of Independen­ce (which suggested his schooling in certain ideals of “Anglo-Saxon” rights), in the structures of the US Constituti­on (including the two-house political system), and in the judicial system’s roots in English Common Law.

This all meant that when the US and Great Britain later developed increasing­ly close diplomatic connection­s, July 4 was ripe for re-interpreta­tion.

 ??  ?? US President Donald J. Trump and British Prime Minister Theresa May participat­e in a joint press conference in the East Room of the White House in Washington, DC, USA, 27 January 2017.
US President Donald J. Trump and British Prime Minister Theresa May participat­e in a joint press conference in the East Room of the White House in Washington, DC, USA, 27 January 2017.

Newspapers in English

Newspapers from Nigeria